Fw: [新聞] 經濟學人-鹿茸上的困境(中譯補充版)

[marking (發泡蘇打粉)]

※ [本文轉錄自 Gossiping 看板 #1JDFe638 ]

作者: marking (發泡蘇打粉) 看板: Gossiping
標題: Re: [新聞] 經濟學人-鹿茸上的困境
時間: Fri Mar 28 12:26:42 2014

※ 引述《sbearwei (月亮上的人)》之銘言：

部分引文恕刪
有些比較細的部分其實反映出經濟學人的立場
所以想接力補充一下

: Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his
: administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic
: Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence
: from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He
: reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase
: in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait
: flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong
: Kong, up to $160 billion a year.
: 在經歷DPP執政8年下與中國的緊張關係後，馬先生的基本信仰是往中國傾斜，
: 促進與中國合作，他自豪的表示與中國簽下的21個合約帶來了經濟上的起飛，
: 包含6年內陸客來台增加10倍(去年285萬)，從沒有互相直航到現在每天118航班，
: 雙向貿易每年1600億。
  單位是美元喔~

: China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy
: becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks,
: resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous”
:  part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will
: return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly
: powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “
: rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since
: “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful
: means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate
: about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status
: quo.
: 在台灣經濟越來越依靠大陸之後，中共已經明白不費一兵一卒就可以收復台灣，
: 將來台灣或許就和香港一樣，成為中國底下的一個自治區。
  中國想收復台灣的司馬昭之心人人皆知。
  隨著台灣與中國的經濟往來越來越緊密，中國方面認為，台灣人對統一的反感將會消散
  那麼台灣就會成為中國的另一個自治區，和香港一樣，但是可以保留其軍隊
  屆時無須動用飛彈和武力即可收回台灣
  不過從馬英九的觀點看來，兩岸和解是對抗大陸侵略的第一道防線
  因為中國以非和平手段單方面改變現狀將會讓台灣付出可怕的代價
  台灣的政治表面上是統獨之間的爭議，但事實上是想維持現狀

: The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between
: political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT
: government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first
: formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi
: Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation
: (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “
: countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic
: leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with
: China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma
: thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.
: 兩岸和解的下一步就是兩岸領導人的會面。
: 自從1949年後，今年二月在南京舉辦了海峽兩岸第一次政府官員會面。
: 而馬英九計畫在11月的APEC亞太經合會，能夠與中共最高領導人習近平會面。
: (因APEC中不是以國家身分而是以經濟體領導人與會，來迴避國家定位這棘
: 手的問題。)
  對此中國方面有異議，不過馬英九認為，雙方領導人在其他地方會面並不是不可能
: This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade
: agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma.
: Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many
: of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are
: specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of
: economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native
: Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose
: families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters
: portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In
: the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to
: a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in
: Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.
: 在這前提下，我們明白為什麼馬先生對這次服貿這麼的堅持。因極度親中的態度，也
: 使民眾十分不信任馬先生對於中共的經濟策略。
: 土生土長台灣人和外省人的分裂正持續著，這很像當年國共戰爭時國民黨輸掉大陸當
: 時面對的情形。
: 議場內的學生稱馬先生鹿茸，因為她誤把鹿角當耳毛…
  在這個背景下可以理解，為何反服貿抗爭對馬英九來說不只是地方層級的問題
  佔領立法院的學生訴諸違反民主的手段
  而學生和民進黨提出的主張有很多都華而不實
  但抗爭運動激起了民間對馬英九及與中國經濟整合的不信任
  本省人與外省人之間世代以來的分歧仍然存在，
  (馬英九出身1940年代來台的外省家庭)
  抗議群眾要不就指責馬英九是中國的應聲蟲，要不就批評他無腦不懂民間疾苦
  在被占領的立法院內，學生把馬英九畫上鹿茸(以下解釋鹿茸事件由來)

: Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP,
: however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next
: presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave
: a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese
: government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a
: dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security
: depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to
: Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan
: defend itself.
: 馬先生表示全民支持”馬習會”。
: 民進黨駐美代表表示，馬先生試圖要留下他的歷史定位，這舉動對2016的國民黨在
: 大選會有傷害。
: 後面在說，隨著日益強大的中國，美國根據台美關係法，會提供台灣國家安全上的保護。

  這一段只是稍微順一下句子
  馬英九聲稱民間輿論支持馬習會
  但民進黨駐美代表吳釗燮指出，事實上馬習會將不利國民黨2016總統選情
  馬英九根本只是想給自己留下歷史地位而已
  民進黨在民調中居於領先地位，這一點不僅令中國政府警覺，美國政府亦若是
  中國越是強大，台灣的安全就越仰賴美國
  美國在1979年與中國建交，切斷與台灣的外交關係
  不過美國國會通過法律，規定美國有義務協助台灣自衛


: All political lives end…
: Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at
: least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of
: America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned.
: Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic,
: suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a
: reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it
: makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it
: into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and
: unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically,
: diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an
: academic in Taipei argues.
: 馬先生表示與美國的關係現在比以往任何時候都好。(其他人抱持懷疑態度)
  但在美國重返亞洲的論述中，美國對台灣的承諾卻鮮少被提及
  當美國學者John Mearsheimer在政治期刊National Interest上表示
  美國政治領袖有可能最終認定，背棄台灣、允許中國統一台灣是比較有利的策略
  此一說法引起許多台灣人關注
  對某些人來說，台灣被美國放棄是事實，被中國統一是遲早的事
  一名台北學者表示，無論是戰略上、外交上、政治上，沒有人真正站在我們這邊
  我們只能靠大陸的善意苟延殘喘

: Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such
: defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront
: and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s
: people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife
: may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to
: leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as
: an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he
: seems likely to be disappointed.
: 馬先生試圖要在本土意識和統一之間尋找一個中間路線來化解和中國的對立。
: 但他的聲音聽起來有些疲憊，且台灣人似乎厭倦他了。
: 2016年兩黨之間仍然有得拚。但是，如果馬英九希望離開辦公室來改善兩岸關係，
: 拿個諾貝爾和平獎，他很可能要失望了。

  台灣人的現實主義加上民進黨的自相殘殺
  2016年仍有可能選出國民黨籍總統
  但如果馬英九想在任內穩固兩岸關係，以及留下兩岸、全球都認可的和平領袖歷史定位
  那他恐怕要失望了。

: 誠實翻譯，不嫌棄 >~<
: 原文連結 http://ppt.cc/apq5

  原po辛苦了，不過嚴格說起來
  經濟學人其實比較偏馬英九啊啊啊啊啊...>"<


  白話版:
  不要以為美國會幫台灣，台灣現在只是靠大陸還不想打勉強撐著
  維持偏安是肖想，現在馬英九是要當兩岸的和平大使，免得大陸強硬統一
  結果因為省籍情結，人民不信任馬英九，還笑他鹿茸總統
  馬英九任內要完成這項偉大的任務恐怕是難了 哭哭
  (翻完我也好想哭哭啊 黑箱程序、血腥鎮壓都沒提啊...怎麼這樣...)



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※ 文章網址: http://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Gossiping/M.1395980806.A.0C8.html
※ 編輯: marking         來自: 61.230.181.232       (03/28 12:27)
推 jerrylin:馬英九想對抗大陸  這還蠻好笑的
→ jerrylin:他從當總統的第一天起  就是要實現老爸的願望終極統一
→ dlevel:要求一個可以監督的法制很華而不實嗎？黑島青有成立翻譯部
→ dlevel:，能不能去澄清一下？
※ 編輯: marking         來自: 61.230.181.232       (03/28 12:31)
※ 編輯: marking         來自: 61.230.181.232       (03/28 12:36)

※ 發信站: 批踢踢實業坊(ptt.cc)
※ 轉錄者: marking (61.230.181.232), 時間: 03/28/2014 12:41:34
→ Beramode:我代表主流民意 經濟學人下去領五百
→ lin76091:有點怪!! 若有族群世代問題，納馬如何能當得上總統!!!
→ lin76091:很多所謂的本省人對KMT之死忠就跟綠營的支持者一般
推 catv:推有翻譯，感謝