推 samadhi:那段華而不實翻得比較清楚了 他們有進立法院訪問學生 不曉 03/28 13:33
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※ 編輯: nastry 來自: 103.246.208.196 (03/29 17:50)
該篇報導的翻譯
On the antlers of a dilemma
The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular
suspicion of China
台灣總統馬英九的野心，與熱門的中國疑慮問題相衝突
THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office.
His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin.
Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet,
six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and
jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the
presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijin
to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.g to admit to any fundamental
flaws in strategy.
這個新鮮又好看的臉孔被政事憂慮刻劃出一條條皺紋。為了完美無瑕的中文的尊嚴，他拋
棄了完美無瑕的英文。他耐心地回答厭煩的問題，就如同之前說了許多次一樣。然而，在
他六年的總統任期內，馬英九的頭髮仍然維持像任一個中國當局成員一樣，鬱鬱蔥蔥又烏
黑。而且，在台北總統府裡，他仍然如同任何一位北京領導人一樣，不願承認策略中有任
何基本缺陷。
Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of
his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of
China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a
nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the
Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of
the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement.
For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant.
And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents
as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls
last autumn.
或許馬先生的靈感來自於孫中山的畫像，他的執政黨－國民黨的創辦人，而且，台灣政府
現在的名稱也拜1912年孫中山成立中華民國所賜。孫中山不但被國民黨，也被台灣海峽對
岸的共產黨所尊敬。馬先生可能也希望受到兩岸人民的愛戴－把歷史性的和解當作是他的
領導職責。然而目前為止，台灣與中國之間的調解仍然遙遠。而且馬先生，曾經是國民黨
最受歡迎的政治人物，現被反對者揶揄是「9%總統」，一個來自去年秋天關於他的支持率
的民調結果。
Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his
administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic
Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence
from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He
reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase
in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait
flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong
Kong, up to $160 billion a year.
在經過傾向宣布從中國正式獨立的民進黨，執政8年所導致的緊張情勢後，改善與中國的關
係已成為他的施政重點。馬先生可以誇耀與中國簽訂21份協議。他流暢地說出兩個快速整
合經濟體，在數字上的優勢：在六年內，陸客來台旅遊數成長10倍，並於2013年來到285萬
人次；兩岸直飛航班從無到每天118次航班；雙邊貿易，包含香港，已來到每年1600億美元。
China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy
becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks,
resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous”
part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will
return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly
powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “
rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since
“a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful
means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate
about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status
quo.
中國對於重新併吞台灣的策略是清楚簡單的。當小島與大陸的經濟交織地很緊密，中國
認為，對統一的阻力就會式微。那麼台灣就會成為中國的一個「自治區」，如同香港一樣
，雖然允許擁有自己的軍隊。在不用訴諸於導彈與日益強盛的軍力下，台灣將回歸祖國懷
抱。但是馬先生的觀點認為，兩岸的「和解」是抵抗中國侵略的第一條防衛線，因為「中
國單方面使用非和平方式的行動將付出極大代價」。台灣的政治被捏造為處於獨立或統一
之爭議中，實則是保持現況。
The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between
political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT
government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first
formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi
Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation
(APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “
countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic
leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with
China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma
thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.
與中國和解的下一步，將是一個政治領導間的會議。二月時在南京，一個曾是國民黨統治
整個中國時期的首都，來自中國及台灣的首長們，自1949年後，辦理第一次的正式會議。
馬先生希望能在今年9月於北京與中國國家主席習進平，在亞洲太平洋經濟合作會議（
APEC）上會面。考量到香港與台灣情勢，APEC的成員不是「國家」而是「經濟體」。所以
習先生與馬先生能以「經濟領導人」見會，閃避如同狗對主人之忠誠關係般，微妙的外交
禮節，因為中國僅僅把台灣視為一個省份而已。儘管中國有疑慮，但馬先生認為一個會面
「並不是不可能的」。
This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade
agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma.
Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many
of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are
specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of
economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native
Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose
families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters
portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In
the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to
a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in
Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.
這個背景說明為何對於馬先生而言，一個反對與中國的服貿協議的抗議行動，並非只是侷
限於台灣當地的困難。學生訴諸於不民主的方式，占領國會，而且許多他們與民進黨的論
點是華而不實的。但他們打通了大眾對馬先生之不信任以及與大陸經濟整合的脈絡。台灣
本地人一直存在著分裂，本省人，以及像馬先生一樣，在1940年代因內戰失敗而隨著國民
黨過來的外省人。抗議者對馬先生的描述，不是大陸傀儡，就是無知且與現實脫鉤的人。
在被占領的國會中，學生給他畫上了鹿角，這樣的做法參考自一個他曾犯下的錯誤，當時
他似乎把中藥使用的鹿茸當作是動物耳朵裡面的毛。
Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP,
however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next
presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave
a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese
government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a
dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security
depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to
Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan
defend itself.
馬先生說社會大眾贊同一個「馬習」高峰會。然而民進黨的吳釗燮則認為如此的會議，實
際上將會損害到國民黨在2016年的總統大選；他反而認為，馬先生正試著留下一屁股債。
民進黨領導的民調不但使中國政府驚慌，也驚動了美國，即使這不是在危險地區所爆發的
一場衝突。隨著中國勢力的增長，美國對台灣安全的承諾更是加劇。美國自1979年轉向與
北京邦交，但國會通過一個法案迫使美國援助台灣軍事防禦。
All political lives end…
結束所有的政治生活…
Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at
least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of
America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned.
Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic,
suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a
reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it
makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it
into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and
unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically,
diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an
academic in Taipei argues.
馬先生說，與美國的關係比自1979或更早之前，變得更好了。其他人卻懷疑，美國針對亞
洲的談論重點，甚少提到他們對台灣的承諾。在台灣許多人注意到美國學者約翰米爾斯海
默在政治月刊《國家利益》上，提到「這是有可能的，美國決策者最終得到以下結論：放
棄台灣並讓中國去脅迫其去接受統一不謂為一個好的戰略判斷。」對一些人而言，放棄是
生活中的事實，而統一是時間上的問題。「沒有人在戰略上、外交上與政治上站在我
們這邊，我們必須去依賴中國的善意」，在台北的一個學者如此爭論。
Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such
defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront
and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s
people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife
may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to
leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as
an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he
seems likely to be disappointed.
馬先生嘗試行駛在，介於民進黨人士對抗與挑戰中國的戰敗主義及冒險主義之間的一條
明智的中庸之道上。他不厭其煩、努力地說，但台灣民眾似乎對他厭煩了。國民黨的政治
實用性以及民進黨間自相殘殺的爭鬥，還是有可能讓該黨在2016年選出另一個國民黨總統
。但假如馬先生希望在離開辦公室前把兩岸關係建立起來，並做好讓雙邊所認為的歷史性
和事佬的角色，看起他很有可能要失望了。
--
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※ 編輯: nastry 來自: 36.226.207.235 (03/28 13:31)