罷工不分種族 南非勞工團結抗爭
--南非後隔離主義政府的挑戰--
南非曾實施40年種族隔離政策，也因此遭受聯合國18年的經濟制裁
，於1991年才宣布解除。在世界各國輿論制裁下，過去由白人主導
軍事與經濟的白人政府已走向黑白共治。今年，更進一步，這個黃金
產量占全世界70％的國家，勞工運動已突破種族界線，黑人勞工與
白人勞工首次一起向資方抗爭，形成新的階級陣線；至於土地改革部
分腳步較慢，由於土地還掌握在許多有錢的白人地主農夫手中，未來
南非政府是否會徵收土地，解決大批農工子弟的教育問題，則是後種
族隔離政府的另一波考驗。
策劃、編譯■成怡夏
S. African strikes cross racial lines
摘要
南非現在正是罷工季節，全國的勞工大批地走出來。估計有11萬金
礦礦工進行了18年來最大一場罷工行動；全國城市的勞工都湧入街
頭，到處扔垃圾並扯下交通號誌燈，就連稅務單位的員工也脅迫將採
取罷工行動。
南非勞工運動的歷史由來已久，罷工已成為每年例行的傳統。
儘管今年的罷工特別地具破壞性，但受到矚目卻是因為別的原因。在
這樣一個10年前開始想要擺脫種族隔離主義的國家，白人和黑人勞
工首度一起抗爭──透過共同的經濟利益，超越種族界線結合起來。
「這是第一次，勞工就是勞工了，不再有種族的交戰，這是階級問題
。」代表大部分無需特殊技能黑人礦工的全國礦工聯盟發言人（
NUM）雷克洛特叟阿那這麼表示，今年他們和代表較需技能勞工聯
盟的團結工會，聯合進行協商。聯合工會的大部分成員為白人和南非
荷蘭人。
進入新南非11年，這個國家的經濟前景是正面積極的。他們的經濟
從實施種族隔離主義最後一年的管制與停滯局面，到現在變成一年有
超過4％的經濟成長率。國際投資者如英國銀行柏克萊就回來了，南
非貨幣也逐漸走強，讓南非在國際市場中有更堅強的實力。
不過許多勞工感覺好處並沒有分潤到他們身上。今年的罷工比起最近
幾年都更強烈也更暴力。
勞工們抱怨管理階級的薪資都一飛衝天般上漲，但是一般的勞工，有
些還得負擔大家庭的開銷，卻在為養家活口掙扎，只因為工資的實際
價值縮水了。聯盟指出，礦業的經理人一天的收入比大部分的勞工一
年所賺的錢還多。金礦礦工通常一個月賺388美元。
「我們成員的社經條件總體來說，過去3年是愈來愈惡化了。」南非
城市勞工聯盟（South African Municipal Workers' Union，簡稱
SAMWU）秘書長羅傑‧羅尼表示，這個團體今年有超過10萬名成
員參與罷工，讓都市的公車系統、收垃圾服務和許多政府機關都停擺
了。
「政府已經停止了通貨膨脹，卻沒有反映在食物價格與交通價格上。
」他說。
南非勞工運動長久以來與解放運動有密切關係，兩者分享許多共同的
目標與方法策略。
南非貿易聯盟代表大會這個南非全國最大的團體，包括了NUM在內
，始終與目前執政的非洲民族議會的有正式聯盟關係，雖然最近有徵
兆顯示，政府與勞工之間的緊張關係愈來愈多。
白人勞工和他們的聯盟團結工會過去很少求助於黑人勞工運動常常採
取的大型罷工行動。團結工會金礦礦工上回罷工是在1978年的事。
不過白人聯盟表示，他們的成員變得愈來愈激進，願意求助於罷工行
動。最近的案例中，白人的團結工會金屬工人甚至投票通過同意，針
對一項交易採取罷工行動，這與黑人勞工的行動一致。
團結工會的發言人戴特‧赫曼表示，團結工會和NUM仍舊有哲學上
的差異。
但是他們也逐漸發現他們的利益休戚相關。目前的金礦礦業協商首度
出現兩個聯盟一起談判的情形。
「我們在經濟哲學立場上不同，我們是自由市場工會，而他們比較社
會主義傾向。」赫曼說：「我們對於種族議題也有不同的看法，我們
源自基督教根源，讓彼此之間有許多差異存在。但是對於勞工來說，
他們之間有相當多的相互利益存在，所以我們成功地先把些差異放在
一旁。」由白人與黑人勞工組成的新聯盟在礦業上最為明顯。
代表雇主的南非礦業協會在8月10日同意增加6～7％的薪資，團結
工會和NUM隔天接受這樣的條件，結束了5天的罷工行動。這場罷
工估計讓資方一天損失2千萬美元的產量。
這種南非勞工新階級的覺醒在各處都露出曙光，勞工階層已經超越過
去舊的種族階級劃分。
南非航空職員上個月進行罷工，讓全世界數以千計的遊客束手無策，
白人勞工並與黑人員工一起跳舞唱歌採取抗議行動。
另一個代表大多數城市勞工的團體也首度與大部分成員皆為黑人的
SAMWU合作，一起參加罷工行動。他們對於南非社會的前景相當
看好，羅尼說：「我認為勞資雙方的分歧將會取代種族對立，成為社
會重要的趨勢。」（資料來源／基督教科學箴言報）
原文
It's strike season in South Africa and the country's workers are out in
force. An estimated 110,000 gold miners have downed tools in the
industry's largest industrial action in 18 years. Municipal workers across
the country have taken to the streets, strewing trash and tearing down
traffic lights. Even the country's tax collectors are threatening mass action.
South Africa has a long history of labor activism and strikes here are an
annual tradition.
But while this year's strikes have been par-ticularly dis-ruptive, they are
notewor-thy for another reason. In a country that shed apartheid just over a
decade ago, white and black workers are beginning to fight together for
the first time - transcending race to join forces through common economic
interests.
"For the first time, labor is talking as labor. It's not a race en-gagement.
It's
a class matter," says Moferefere Lekorotsoana, a spokesman for the
National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), which represents largely black
unskilled miners but is this year negotiating jointly with Solidarity, a
union representing more skilled workers, most of whom are white and Afrikaans.
Eleven years into the new South Africa, the country's eco-nomic prospects
are positive. The economy has bounced back from the sanctions and
economic stagnation of the last years of apartheid and is now growing at
more than 4 percent a year. International investors, like the British bank
Barclays, are re-turning, and the country's currency is strengthening,
giving South Africa greater power in the international market.
Widening wage gap
But many workers here feel that the benefits aren't trickling down. This
year's strikes have been harder fought, and in some cases more violent,
than in the recent past.
Workers complain that the wages of executives and top management are
skyrocketing while ordinary workers, many of whom support large
families, are struggling to get by on wages whose real value is shrinking.
At least one mining exec-utive, unions point out, makes more in one day
than most workers make in a year. Gold miners typically make about $388
a month.
"The social economic conditions of our members have, by and large,
deteriorated over the last three years," says Roger Ronnie, general
secretary of the South African Municipal Workers' Union (SAMWU),
which has more than 100,000 members striking across the country,
shutting down city buses, trash collection services, and many government
offices.
"Government has knocked back inflation. But that hasn't [been reflected],
for example, in the area of food prices, in the area of transport costs," he
says. "And obviously, with growing unemployment and that sort of thing,
money has to be spread much further."
Government and labor
South Africa's labor movement has long been closely tied to the liberation
struggle, sharing many of its goals and methods.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions, the country's largest
umbrella movement which includes the NUM, is still an official ally of the
governing African National Congress, although there have been recent
signs of increased tension be-tween government and labor.
White workers had their own unions, like Solidarity, but they rarely
resorted to the same types of mass action that was the traditional stock of
black labor movements. Solidarity gold miners, for example, last struck in
1978.
But white unions say their members are becoming increas-ingly
radicalized and willing to resort to mass action. In one recent case, white
Solidarity metal workers even voted to strike over a deal that black
workers had accepted.
Solidarity and the NUM still have philosophical differ-ences, says Dirk
Hermann, a spokesman for Solidarity.
But they're also increasingly discovering that they have many common
interests. The current gold-industry negotia-tions are the first time the two
unions have bargained together.
"We have differences in our economic philosophy. We are a free-market
trade union, while they are more socialistic," says Hermann. "And we
have differences over things like [racial] transformation programs. We also
come from a Christian base, and that also makes a difference. But there are
a lot of things of mutual interest for workers. And we've succeeded to set
those differences aside."
Mining negotiations
The new alliances between white and black workers are most obvious in
the mining industry.
The Chamber of Mines, which represents employers, of-fered pay raises of
between 6 and 7 percent Wednesday. Soli-darity and the NUM accepted
the offer Thursday, ending the five-day strike. The strike was estimated to
cost about $20 mil-lion a day in lost production.
But there are glimmers elsewhere that a new class con-sciousness among
South Africa's workers is beginning to su-persede the country's old racial
divides.
When employees at South African Airways, the national airline, went on
strike last month, stranding thousands of trav-elers around the world,
white workers could be seen "toy-toy-ing" - dancing to protest songs -
alongside black workers.
And a union representing largely white municipal workers for the first
time ever joined SAMWU, whose members are largely black, on one day
of the current municipal strike.
While unified, multiracial unions for South Africa may still be a long way
off, many labor activists here see current events as a positive, and perhaps
inevitable, step in the right direction.
"I think it's inevitable that as the society deracializes, divi-sions between
employers and employees will taken on a more class content than a racial
one," says Mr. Ronnie.
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