推 suckmass:大推 借轉k版 10/28 20:43
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※ [本文轉錄自 DPP 看板]
作者: basicnet (有FANS感謝天) 看板: DPP
標題: [轉錄]楊甦棣2006.10.26記者會
時間: Sat Oct 28 13:16:44 2006
※ [本文轉錄自 a-bian 看板]
作者: apflake (聖人生而大盜起) 看板: a-bian
標題: 楊甦棣2006.10.26記者會
時間: Sat Oct 28 12:30:44 2006
在 AIT 網頁的記者會全文
http://ait.org.tw/en/news/speeches/docs/20061026-dir.pdf
Press Conference
Stephen M. Young
Director, American Institute in Taiwan
American Cultural Center
Taipei, October 26, 2006
DIRECTOR YOUNG:
刪節, 開場白..
舉行記者會的原因
1. 十月初回美國會晤白宮, 國務院, 國防部官員以及參眾兩院議員後, 分享關於此行
所得到目前美台關係的印象
2. 距上次被在街上, 電梯間被記者們堵到, 已經有五個月未發表意見.
3. 是討論與美國合作台灣安全防衛議題的時機, 老闆 Rice 剛發表東北亞安全事務的
演講, 我必須說很多討論美方關切焦點和美方的立場並不精確, 所以我給各位機會
可以記錄關於這些議題官方的觀點, 我不是故意對準聯合報開砲, 只是要舉一個例
子, 上週聯合報有文章提到美國與陳水扁政府關係緊張, 我必須強調, 完全不是這
麼一回事, 事實上雙方廣泛地合作推動台灣防衛能力的現代化, 我們計劃雙方合作
直到陳水扁政府任期結束.
( 注: 聯合報上週專訪美國務院亞太副助卿周慶生, 談台灣政軍情勢和東北亞問題,
只不過不但聯合報完全不提所有議題, 專拿陳水扁政府與美方關係大作文章,
使美方認為訊息被扭曲, 不得不舉行記者會公開向台灣各界說明. )
First of all, why am I having a press conference? I was back in Washington
at thebeginning of October and had meetings with a number of senior policy-
level officials in the White House, the State Department and the Defense
Department as well as with Congressmen and Senators on the Hill. So I thought
I would share with you the impressions I have of where we are with U.S.-
Taiwan relations. Secondly, it has been five months since I sat down and met
with you, although some of you have cornered me on the streets and elevators
of Taipei. And third, there are issues in terms of Taiwan's national security,
Taiwan's defense cooperation with the United States, that I think are
particularly timely to discuss. In that regard, I would draw your
attention to the fact that a few hours ago, Secretary Rice gave a speech in
Washington addressing Northeast Asian security issues. So it's nice to know
that I'm in sync with my boss. I also have to say there has been an awful
lot of discussion about what America's interests and America's positions on
issues of concern to Taiwan are, sometimes not very accurate, so what I would
like to do is give you a chance on the record to discuss those things from an
authoritative perspective. I'll give you an example of what I mean, and I
want to stress that I'm not picking on Lian He Bao [聯合報United Daily News]
but the example concerns them. Last week, there was an article that sought to
characterize U.S. relations with the Chen administration as "strained." I just
have to stress that that's not the case; in fact, we have a very broad
cooperation with the Chen Administration, and as an example, we are working
very closely with them on modernization of Taiwan's defense capabilities. We
intend to continue to work on issues of mutual concern with the Chen
Administration until the end of its term in office.
今天的三大主題, 民主發展, 經濟繁榮, 安全
Today I'd like to touch on three themes: democratic development, economic
prosperity, and security.
DEMOCRACY
-------------------
民主是台灣最偉大的出口, 人民理所當然的驕傲, 台灣民主的和平轉變, 特別是過去
二十年, 是東亞和全世界的模範, 對海峽對岸的鄰居有正面的影響, 但民主還是困難
和需要時間的過程, 美國兩百二十年的民主試驗也還在努力當中, 就是說憲法觀念和
價值必須要建立, 像是法治, 負責任的媒體, 非政府祖織(NGO) , 結社自由, 和政府
許多部門的合作, 以避免民主憲政的倒退, 像是最近的泰國和匈牙利, 雖然泰國政局
紛擾, 但讓軍方介入就是民主發展倒退, 對區域有不良影響, 匈牙利也是一樣, 我們
十五年前蘇聯共產黨垮台已經面對過像人民暴動, 示威抗議警民衝突等場景, 讓我們
相當擔憂.
I think that democracy is one of Taiwan's greatest exports. It is something
the people of Taiwan are justifiably proud of, and the friends of Taiwan in
the United States and around the world are also very, very impressed by it.
The peaceful, democratic transformation of Taiwan, particularly over the last
twenty years, is a model for East Asia and the whole world. I think that one
of the important aspects of Taiwan's democratic influence is the salutary
effect it has on your neighbor across the Strait. And yet, as I've
said before, this is difficult and time-consuming work. As a student of
democracy, I must admit that 220 years after we began our experiment, we
are still working on it today in America. That said, it is important to build
democratic institutions and values, things like rule of law, responsible media,
NGO activity, freedom of assembly, and cooperative work between the various
branches of government. I think it's also important to avoid things that set
back democratic institution-building. A couple of recent examples are Thailand
and Hungary. Even though Thailand faced a difficult domestic situation, I think
the intervention by the military set back the progress of democracy in Thailand
and was bad for the region. Similarly in Hungary, we have been treated to
scenes of rioting in the street and clashes between protestors and police which,
in a country that just threw off Communism and the Soviet yoke fifteen years
ago, is really something that concerns a lot of us.
很多台灣朋友問我對九月十月遊行活動的看法, 我提出本人的三和政策, 和平, 合
法, 合憲, 還要再加上個原則叫 "有一點禮貌" , 我想兩天前立法院的事件可以展
示我的觀點, 這些影像沒有向上提昇台灣民主進程給人的和平觀感( 指李敖事件上
到CNN ) , 總結來說, 台灣民主發展得不錯, 即使往民主深化和成熟邁進有很多挑
戰, 但人民是值得為此十分驕傲的.
I was asked by a number of my Taiwan friends what I thought of the protests
that went on in September and into October, and I developed the "Steve Young
san he zheng ce 三和政策", the "three he" policy: heping, hefa, hexian 和平，
合法，合憲 -- peaceful, legal, and constitutional. I would add that the means
and the ends should be in sync. I have in mind that there should be a sense
of decorum, or what at one point I called "you yi dianrlimao 有一點兒禮貌"
[a bit of courtesy]. I think there was an incident in the legislature two
days ago that illustrates my point. These images do not promote the concept
of Taiwan's peaceful democratic transition. But to conclude my discussion of
democracy, I think that Taiwan's doing just fine, and that the people of this
island have much to be proud of, even if there are challenges to moving
forward in terms of maturing and deepening the democratic experience.
ECONOMIC TIES
-----------------------
我提一下經濟事務, 雖然最近很少被新聞提到, 但是這是美國和AIT 很重要的部份,
台灣是美國第八大的貿易夥伴, 第六大農產品貿易夥伴, 希望今年雙方貿易可以達
到六百億美金, 我們有八百多個活躍且積極的商會成員, 在美方觀感, 台灣的經濟
是相當好的, 我們也總是尋求機會能更積極地促進島內的經濟繁榮, 五底月美方貿
易代表Karan Bhatia訪台, 鼓舞了我們在TIFA架構下從事的努力, TIFA就是貿易投
資架構協定......... ( 這段英文對本人太難了, 略過, 大意是台灣爭取台美自由
貿易協定, 目前的相關協定到2007年夏季才到期, 而且今年底美國國會大選, 還要
看選出的議員狀況, 所以短期內不可能, 且美國商界裡同意支持的力量還很弱, 相
關的困難很多, 但特別強調的是, 美國不會坐視台灣經濟在東亞和全世界邊緣化,
像以往的APEC和WTO , 找不到別的國家比美國更支持台灣對全球經濟的參與. )
Let me just briefly touch upon the economic agenda, because while it's less
in the news now, it's a very important part of the United States does here
and what AIT does. Taiwan is our eighth largest trading partner and our sixth
largest agricultural trading partner. We expect two-way trade to top $60
billion this year. We have a very active and engaged American Chamber with
over 800 members. I think the American perception is that the Taiwan economy
is doing pretty well. We are always looking for opportunities to take a more
active part in the building of economic prosperity here on the island. Many
of the things that we do are under the TIFA framework that was reinvigorated
by Deputy U.S. Trade Representative Karan Bhatia when he visited here in late
May. Since I hate it when other people use acronyms that I don't understand,
I'll tell you that TIFA stands for Trade and Investment Framework Agreement.
But we're working on things like trying to establish a consultative council
of agriculture to discuss some trade liberalization measures in that area.
Other areas of focus include pharmaceuticals, intellectual property rights,
and telecommunications.
We expect to have other high-level visitors from Washington coming here from
time to time, just as senior Taiwan officials such as Steve Chen from the
Ministry of Economics go to Washington from time to time. Just to reiterate,
we know there is interest here in negotiating a Free-Trade Agreement. To
paraphrase Karan Bhatia, this is not off the table, but it is a difficult
task for us to deal with just now, and I'll give you a couple of reasons.
First and most important, the fast-track authority that allows us to look
at FTAs expires next summer, and unless the Congress which emerges from
elections this November 7 authorizes its extension, FTAs will not be possible
after mid-2007. Another thing we look for in FTAs is strong support from the
American business community, and thus far Taiwan has not had that much
support from the U.S. business community for an FTA. But I have to say that
the United States is certainly not interested in neglecting our economic
relationship or seeing Taiwan marginalized in East Asia, or globally. We
support Taiwan's involvement in such organizations as APEC and the WTO
with that in mind. You will find no better advocate of Taiwan's active
involvement in the globalized economy than the United States.
SECURITY TIES AND THE DEFENSE BUDGET
--------------------------------------------------------------
進入到主題, 今天台灣國防的爭論, 台灣關係法要求美國提供台灣自衛武器, 基本上
長久以來美方承諾確保台灣的自由不受威脅, 這也是為甚麼我前幾週去華府, 發現決
策者相當擔憂台灣無法通過強固國防預算, 來購買2001年布希總統核可提供的新武器,
五年過去白白浪費了, PRC 可沒有呆呆坐著不動, 過去十年以來軍力不斷現代化, 還
持續強化當中, 台灣和PRC 軍力的差距不斷擴大.
But now to the main point, which is the defense debate that is going on in
Taiwan today. As you know, the Taiwan Relations Act requires the United
States to consider providing Taiwan with self-defense weapons. I think more
fundamentally, there has long been an American commitment to ensure that
Taiwan's freedom will not be threatened or coerced by any other party. that
is why, when I was back in Washington a couple of weeks ago, I found
considerable concern among policymakers over the failure of Taiwan to pass
a robust defense budget that responds to President Bush's offer in April of
2001 to authorize certain new arms purchases. The five years that have gone
wasting have not seen the PRC sitting idly. The PRC's robust military
modernization process over the last decade or more continues, and the gap
between the capabilities of the PRC and Taiwan has been growing.
我完全尊重台灣的民主, 尊重台灣人民有最後的責任和權力來決定這些事務, 但我想
台灣在安全上不可或缺的夥伴, 也特別關心於此的美國, 應該說出心裡的話, 我希望
透過記者你們, 讓我們的訊息可以傳達給台灣的選民, 以及全體國民, 自美國回來台
灣後, 我已經和台灣主要政黨領袖, 如陳總統, 蘇院長, 國防部李部長, 外交部黃部
長, 馬主席, 黃發言人, 宋主席, 李前總統, 和其他許許多多人見過面, 傳遞以下的
訊息, 台灣需要在今年秋季的立院會期通過足夠的國防預算, 這不是單單武器的問題,
不是美國公司賺多少錢的問題, 我也樂於見到其他國家提供武器給台灣, 只是事實上,
當前也只有美國是台灣唯一的夥伴, 願意提供武器.
I fully respect Taiwan's democracy and I respect the fact that the people of
Taiwan ultimately have the responsibility and the privilege of deciding these
matters. But I think that as Taiwan's indispensable partner in security, the
United States has a special interest and should speak its mind. I hope through
you, the print and video media of Taiwan, to reach the voters and the citizens
of Taiwan with my message. Since I returned from the United States a couple of
weeks ago, I have talked with all the major political leaders in Taiwan about
this issue. I might miss somebody, but I will tell you that I have spoken with
President Chen, with Premier Su, with Defense Minister Lee, Foreign Minister
Huang, Chairman Ma, Speaker Huang, Chairman Soong, former President Lee, and
many, many other people. The message is as follows: Taiwan needs to pass a
robust defense budget in this fall's legislative session. This is not about
arms alone, and it is not about U.S. companies or profits. I would be
delighted if other countries were willing to sell weapons to Taiwan, but the
fact of the matter is that the United States is the only partner that is
willing to do that at this point.
我們尋求和台灣軍方的合作提升生存性, 專注於重要基礎建設保護, 軍事設施和通訊
能力強化, 軍種聯合作戰, 後勤補給強化, 此外要能抵禦PRC 過去十年的建軍, 也就
是包括現代化的飛機, 短程飛彈, 水面艦艇, 潛艦等的取得, 質和量一樣重要, 所以
我們相信台灣政府軍事支出在2007年會計年度佔GDP 2.85% , 2008年度佔3%是一個適
當的目標.
We look -- in the cooperation we enjoy with the Taiwan military -- to promote
their sustainability, focus on critical infrastructure protection, the
hardening of communications and military facilities, the promotion of
jointness between the armed services: air, land, sea, marines; beefing up of
stockpiles of munitions, but also weapons to counter the relentless PRC
buildup of the past decade, which has included the acquisition of modern
aircraft, short-range missiles, surface ships and submarines. It's about
quality as well as quantity. In that regard, we believe that the government's
aim of raising defense spending to 2.85% of GDP this coming fiscal year of
2007 and then raising it to 3% in 2008 is an appropriate goal.
( 下段大意是, 要先過程序委員會, 才能付委進行討論軍購本身的政策, 在本會期三
讀通過預算, 趕上明年的會計年度)
The next concrete step that I believe should happen now is that the
legislators in the LY should permit the supplemental budget to pass through
the procedural committee and be taken to the floor of the legislature so
that an open debate can begin. I say this because there has been much debate
in your media about what is going on, but the legislators need to take this
issue, take the budget submission by the government, and begin to debate it
inside the legislature itself. That would permit the budget to be approved
by the legislature after the three readings by the end of this fall's session.
這需要朝野雙方的領導能力, 台灣不能讓存亡安危的問題, 被國內黨派當作人質,
我聽某些在野人士說, 通過預算就是送給陳水扁一個大禮, 我完全不能同意這樣的
觀點, 這個大禮是送給人民和台灣的安全, 美國將密切地觀察而且評斷誰負起他位
置應負的責任, 又是誰在玩弄政治, 因為在當前這個時間點, 如果台灣不能把握住,
機會就可能會消失.
This will require leadership from all sides, both in the government and in
the opposition. But Taiwan cannot continue to allow its vital security
interests to be held hostage to domestic partisan concerns. I have heard
from some members of the opposition that somehow passing a budget would
be a gift to Chen Shui-bian. I fundamentally disagree with that perspective.
This would be a gift for the people and the security of Taiwan. The United
States is watching closely and will judge those who take responsible
positions on this as well as those who play politics. Because fundamentally,
this moment and this opportunity could pass and be missed by Taiwan if it
doesn't seize it.
有議論說台灣要求新一代的戰機, 當我回華府的時候被人問到, 台灣方面為甚麼又
要求要新的東西, 以前多年來所要求的東西, 我們已經提供了, 但台灣卻沒有行動,
There has been discussion about Taiwan's need for a new generation of
aircraft, and when I was back in Washington, the question that I was asked
was "Why are they asking for new things when the things that they asked for
for years and which we've offered them have not been acted on?"
我必須告訴你們美國也有自己的政治問題, 選出取代布希的新任總統, 2008年的大選
將十分激烈, 新總統將重新檢討前政府的政策, 不可避免地, 包括和PRC 的關係, 因
為和北京的關係隨著中國在21世紀興起而越來越廣泛, 美國不是因為要讓台灣與對岸
失和所以才支持台灣國防, 而是因為我們相信, 一個強大有自信的台灣, 自然在和中
國的許多不同議題的談判上, 取得有強大自信的位置, 這會使得台灣在擴展兩岸經貿
關係上, 取得更大的利益. 在複雜政治議題上也無須害怕威脅或壓迫.
I have to tell you that America has its politics, too, and in 2008 the
presidential campaign for the replacement for George Bush will be in high
gear. It will yield a new president of the United States. That new president
will have to take time to look at policies and review commitments of the past
administration. Inevitably that new president will also have to take into
account the views of the PRC, because that relationship and our cooperation
with Beijing has been growing broader and broader over the years as China
emerges as a major 21st-Century power. The United States wants to support
Taiwan's defensive needs not because we want to alienate you from your
neighbor across the Taiwan Strait, but because we believe a strong and
self-confident Taiwan can hold discussions on a variety of issues with
China from a position of strength and selfconfidence. That will allow Taiwan
to expand the very mutually beneficial economic and trade relationship that
it has with the PRC. It will also allow Taiwan to discuss more difficult
political issues without fear of threat or coercion. So my message is:
現在就採取行動, 在今年秋天這個會期通過強固和安全的國防預算, 不是為了美國,
而是為了台灣.....
Act now to pass a robust and secure defense budget this fall. Don't do it
for the United States; do it for Taiwan. Thank you very much. I'm sorry I
spoke so long, but as you can see, I had a few things to say, and now it's
your turn.
下面記者提問, 請參考原文.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
本人英文普普, 翻得不好勿怪, 我只翻個大意, 要細讀請參考原文,
以下幾點個人淺見.
1. 看完AIT 主席記者會全文, 請問各位從媒體看到報導的印象, 和他
原本要傳達的訊息差多少, 台灣的媒體真是令人搖頭嘆息.
2. 馬英九說他不夠婉轉, 對軍購通過不利, 請問是哪裡不夠婉轉, 看
看他用的語氣, 用的字, 哪裡對台灣不夠婉轉, 事實上楊甦棣對台
灣委婉得近乎諂媚, 但重點是, 他的這些談話, 真正毫不客氣, 一
點情面都不給的對象是泛藍, 國民黨, 馬英九. 首先提到 " We
intend to continue to work on issues of mutual concern with
the Chen Administration until the end of its term in office."
已經狠狠甩了倒扁一巴掌, 這才是施明德在哭夭的真因, 再則他提
到泰國的政變, 蘇共解體等民主倒退或動亂, 顯然是給了反扁活動
極惡劣的評價.
"The United States is watching closely and will judge those
who take responsible positions on this as well as those who
play politics. "
這是楊甦棣講得最白, 也是最難聽的一句話, 針對的可不是台灣人
民, 而是馬英九和宋楚瑜.
3. 今天開始有媒體聲音說, 楊甦棣幫陳水扁政府背書, 這倒不盡然, 但是
無可否認, 這些話很少見地是美方對民進黨政府的支持, 關愛的眼光,
對照上段那句極難聽的話, 使得真正的意涵才能看得出, 楊甦棣真正要
表達是, 如果馬英九再不支持軍購, 美方已經到了考慮改變不介入藍綠
爭奪台灣政權的態度, 因為這已經危害到美國的威信與國家利益, 藍色
媒體無所不用其極利用美國的態度來打擊陳水扁的威信, 正是因為大家
嘴巴都在痛罵美帝, 心裡卻是真正雪亮美國對台灣經濟上和安全上無比
的影響力, 美國的支持, 就是選民心中對總統領導國家能力評斷的重大
因素, 馬英九不能冒總統夢碎這個險, 我想媒體說CIA 有多少馬英九職
業學生的材料, 或是掌握國民黨多少把柄, 這未免過於見樹不見林.
4. 楊甦棣答媒體提問提到關於和馬宋兩主席的分別見面, I think it's
fair to say that both of them have indicated support for passing
the defense budget. Each of them has perspectives about some of
the individual parts of it, which I respect and which I've
discussed with them. 提到兩人支持預算, 但對不同的某些部份有意見,
照我觀察馬英九是最信儒家學說, 英明領袖那一套的, 對他而言, 面子就
是一切, 我想一個外交官不太可能不懂中國人的人情世故, 而且在和馬宋
見完面不久就開記者會, 顯然是沒有取得滿意的成果, 這樣的說法明的是
做面子給兩人, 暗的是下最後通牒, 這兩天馬英九的臉上. 就寫著兩個字,
那就是壓力.
5. 楊甦棣答媒體提問關於馬英九提到兩岸不應進行軍事競賽的看法, 台灣
本來經濟體和預算規模就不可能和PRC 軍備競賽, 但是防禦的經濟性比
進攻高得多, 而且海峽讓進攻的困難再大大提高, 台灣只要做到可以讓
中國得付出高得驚人代價就足夠了, PRC 必須還要考慮美國這個因素.
6. 從這些對答看得出來, 楊甦棣這個人並不簡單, 標準的外交官, 一邊發
表聲明頭頭是道, 一邊搞笑讓記者會很輕鬆, 但是應付起問題滑不溜丟,
連一句隨棍上的話尾都沒有, 記者提問, 可以明確表態支持陳水扁做到
2008嗎? 他答道, 都有人把美國, AIT , 我歸類是藍, 綠, 紅色, 但我
們只代表紅白藍( 美國國旗 ) , 這個AIT主席和記者哈拉的功力真是令
人嘆為觀止, 甚麼上帝給每一個人各自的命運, 我的名字叫 Young, 我
一天天變老, 叫這個名字也越來越沉重.
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※ 編輯: basicnet 來自: 59.104.20.101 (10/28 20:02)