Re: [問題] 有關司法問題

[guare (瓜籽)]

bluebugi片斷截取孔傑榮教授的發言，然後誤導大家。

我不想講太難聽的話，只簡單地說：這種行為真惡劣！

我把全文貼在底下，並且分析一下重點。我並不是全文翻譯，因為板上能人不少，應該也
不需要我全文翻譯。

※ 引述《bluebugi (活到老宅到老)》之銘言：
: : 不得不提馬總統和馬法務部長，
: : 看看馬對DPP地方政府活動的補助、看看馬法務部長抓了一狗票KMT進牢裡
: : 以實際行動實踐的行政中立才叫行政中立
:   那麼來看看馬英九的指導老師孔傑榮教授(Professor Jerome A. Cohen )
:   是如何看待你所謂的馬氏行政中立吧:
:   原文:http://www.usasialaw.org/?p=1231#more-1231
:   重要節選:
:        孔傑榮教授指責『總統馬英九的國民黨政府一心要對民進黨政治人物提出貪汙
: 的控訴，卻對國民黨官員許多類似的不法行為視而不見』
: ( that the Kuomintang administration of President Ma Ying-jeou is
: zealously bringing corruption charges against politicians of the
: Democratic Progressive Party while ignoring the many instances of
: similar misconduct by KMT officials)


    Professor Jerome A. Cohen calls for Taiwan’s legal scholars to
    speak out on law reforms
這是標題，事實上孔教授發言的目的很清楚地就可以看出來，是針對台灣的法學者，希望
他們敢於公開發言。

    Jun 11th, 2009 | By USAsialawNYU | Category: Jerome A. Cohen's
    Blog, Publications     Printable format
    An edited version of this text appears in Chinese (繁体中文版）in
    the China Times (Taiwan) for June 11, 2009. This article is also
    published in the South China Morning Post (Hong Kong) for June 11,
     2009.

    Public Interest and Private Pursuit

    Jerome A. Cohen

    Anyone who cares about law and government has to be impressed by
    visiting Taiwan. Its democratically elected president and
    legislature, spurred by the interpretations of its independent
    Constitutional Court, have just ended the power of the police to
    imprison people without affording them the full protections of the
     newly revised judicial process.
開頭就說任何關心法治的人都會對於台灣最近的表現留下深刻印象，底下講的幾件事情應
該就是解釋為何如此

1. 警察現在不能隨意拘留民眾。

    They have also incorporated the standards of the two major
    international human rights covenants into Taiwan’s domestic law.
    The government – in open court – is vigorously prosecuting the
    reportedly massive corruption of the previous administration.
2. 起訴陳以及公開審理他的貪污案。

    The long moribund Control Yuan, whose function is to ferret out
    official misconduct, has come to life, and Taiwan’s lawyers’
    associations and civic groups continue to press for further
    improvements in criminal justice. The island’s free and
    hyperactive media, essential to the development of the rule of
    law, enjoy a field day reporting all this.
3. 監察院活躍起來，開始發揮功能。
4. 台灣的律師組織和公民組織力推司法改革

    Yet, surprisingly, a recent intense week in Taipei, spent mostly
    with legal scholars, left me a bit depressed. As usual in a
    healthy society, I heard many stimulating critiques of the current
     situation. Some friends claimed: that ex-president Chen
    Shui-bian, now a criminal defendant, is being unfairly confined to
     a miserable detention cell for many months, while others under
    investigation and indictment for corruption remain free; that the
    Kuomintang administration of President Ma Ying-jeou is zealously
    bringing corruption charges against politicians of the Democratic
    Progressive Party while ignoring the many instances of similar
    misconduct by KMT officials; that the judge who was ultimately put
     in charge of the trial of Chen and his family has repeatedly
    ruled arbitrarily against them; that the legislature failed to
    enact necessary criminal justice reforms; and so on.
接下來就是論文裡面最重要的「然而（Yet）」，講到的就是本文重點：為何台灣法學者
不公開發言，這點讓孔教授失望。

他聽到一些人的批評，其中有部份朋友宣稱：「陳案受到不公平對待」，整個段落結尾
還有 and so on, 意思是說還有其他批評。

這段其實就只是在說一些法學界朋友對現狀有意見，替下一段法學界的沈默做一個伏筆。

    These allegations are troubling, of course. Yet, when I asked my
    academic friends why more of them – there are a few distinguished
     exceptions – did not speak out, publish essays and document
    their concerns, all too often I heard: “What good would it do? We
     can’t change anything. They won’t listen. Besides, we don’t
    want to be controversial. People will accuse us of `being too
    Green’ or sympathising with corruption.” Some seem to be too
    busy with important research, consulting work or family
    responsibilities. A few hinted at hopes for government
    appointments that might be thwarted by controversy.

接續上一段那些抱怨，這裡就指出那些抱怨的人多半不願公開批評，因為不想被貼上綠色
標簽，或者說因為忙於私人事務不想牽涉公共議題。

    Such sentiments are understandable, especially in a busy,
    successful but bitterly divided political environment in which
    mutual trust and respect are in short supply. Yet Taiwan’s
    evolving democracy confronts multiple challenges and needs the
    benefit of all the expertise and wisdom that is available.

這段意旨是說，孔教授能理解這些法學界朋友的困境，然而他覺得台灣需要多元的聲音，

    It will be difficult to achieve optimum solutions to many major
    law reform issues without the informed, objective contributions of
     the island’s best minds. If many of them hold back, for whatever
     reason, if they fail to take advantage of their hard-earned
    freedoms to speak out, they put their society’s precious
    accomplishments at risk.

因此他希望這些朋友還是應該公開發言。

    If Taiwan’s law professors, legal scholars, social scientists and
     others with unique qualifications to promote public understanding
     keep silent, they actually exercise fewer freedoms than their
    counterparts on the repressive mainland, some of whom risk their
    physical safety, their careers and their family’s well-being by “
    speaking truth to power”.

這裡就是和大陸的法學界做比較。

    As I listened to Taiwan law professors explain their aversion to
    the public arena, I thought of mainland friends who are paying
    dearly for having voiced opposition to dictatorial rule.
    Kidnappings, beatings, imprisonment, disbarment, loss of jobs,
    exile and harassment of their spouse and children plague activist
    academics, as well as lawyers. Yet some persist. Should Taiwan’s
    legal scholars sit on their hands and seal their mouths? What
    price private pursuits?

最後以大陸法學界爭取言論自由的努力，來呼籲台灣法學界不要沈默。

***************
全篇從哪裡看出來孔教授批評陳案的處理不公平？

簡單來說，他轉述「Some friends claimed」的那些話，就是在鋪陳：「有些法學界人士
私底下有意見，卻不公開說出來」這件事情。這才是這篇文章的主旨。

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