推 npchen:華沙公約的譯注有誤﹖是一與北約擷抗的軍事同盟..航空私法? 05/10 11:37
※ 編輯: mlkj 來自: 192.192.90.211 (05/10 13:44)
推 mlkj:sorry 已更正 感謝 05/10 13:44
推 jironan:推用心 05/10 13:59
推 npchen:確實用心~原po翻譯辛苦了 05/10 15:10
推 philipwen:m起來 m起來 (敲碗) 05/10 19:30
Economists May 3rd 2007
A hero of his time
他從來不譁眾取寵，寫了一本和別人不一樣的政治性自傳。
出版商可能會因為接到這本不尋常書的內容而發出呻吟。看起來似乎是一堆匆忙
的幾筆塗鴉，有的看起來只是一些剪貼工作。但這些漫不經心的東西其實是有深
意的。在他成為他們國家第一位後共產時期的總統前，哈維爾寫了一些荒謬劇和
獄中書信給那些掌權者。一種對崇拜文字已經近似宗教儀式的天份，他不相信媒
體就像他討厭共產黨的誇大語言一樣。一個用他耳朵傾聽又擁有反諷幽默的作家
，永遠不會讓讀者看到老套的童話故事。
不用傳統的正式編年紀事，哈維爾用反諷、自我辯解，以及治國的智慧語彙、對
他忽略快樂生活，提出即時、清楚的解釋。超越了表面的混亂，一種（哈維爾式）
形式產生。最後你可以明顯地感受到哈維爾的複雜性格－－頑固、害羞、看起來有
點沒信心但內心很堅定－－當時間對了，把正義和道德落實在政治裡面，就像他令
人印象深刻的紀錄一樣。
「To the Castle and Back」包括了三個互相涵蓋的部分。第一部份，延伸回答一
位捷克政治記者在二十年前，大約跟一本書一樣長的訪談（Disturbing the Peace）
。第二部分，摘錄哈維爾為捷克斯洛伐克（1989-1992）和捷克（1993-2003）總統時
，給他部下繁雜和平淡的辦公室備忘錄。第三部份，紀錄了一些最近停留在華盛頓的
其他瑣事，像是他的病情、對美國感興趣的地方、對參議院理髮部的讚美，還有他自
己愛挑剔、不滿意的地方。還沒有書把這些微小的地方寫的這麼清楚過。
訪談是從1989年11月前，當稍早的（統治者）離開時，那段不穩定的時間開始，政權
從冷酷的共產黨轉移給沒經驗的「公民論壇（Civic Forum）」的頭兩星期，在那之前
，哈維爾說，他根本不知道有天他會爬到那麼高的位置。
不安的日子
在1980年中期，哈維爾為了人權奔走，而在牢裡作了四年的苦工。他的道德聲望很高
，但他的人生其實是不穩定的。肉體的崩潰幾乎奪走他的性命。他的婚姻不美滿，有
次在派對之後他甚至差點跌到池塘裡溺斃。他從來沒念過大學，對經濟所知甚少，也
對治國沒有任何經驗。他對商業有限的認知是來自於他父親以及他叔叔在布拉格所擁
有的大批資產，而這些資產在哈維爾12歲那年都被徵收了。
任何覺得哈維爾太理想性，或是對政治太波希米亞的人，過不久就知道其實事情不是
這樣的。他對於民主化的轉型有過深刻思考，把這件大事作對了。即使他曾經自我懷
疑，也在公開演講時受過恐怖攻擊，他在1989年的十二月還是巧妙地調開反對者，成
為總統。雖然在民主事務上的權利受限，但他的外交政策跟用人政策卻是強大的。為
了打破蘇聯掌握捷克軍力的局面，讓捷克的民主不回頭，他決定退出華沙公約（譯按
：前蘇聯共產集團軍事組織）以及成為北大西洋公約組織的早期會員。
他在媒體上稱他的批評作「騙子團」（snide brigade），那些批評也抱怨他的用人。
但他為他第一任總理Marian Calfa，一位年輕的共產黨律師辯護，因為他「教導新政
府如何執政」；他為Vaclav Klaus（現任總統，擔任財政部長時管理私有化制度，在
1992-1997年擔任總理）滅火。這兩人永遠不對盤，兩個都是中立的民主派，但除了這
個以外，在其他任何方面都是針鋒相對的。
Klaus是位自大的自由市場民粹者；曾經公開嘲笑哈維爾對公民責任佈道式的說教，說
哈維爾是他碰過最精英的傢伙了。哈維爾用禮貌平息了這些批評，激勵他自己。Klaus
在1997年因為一件黨的財務醜聞下臺，他的支持者曾經想找哈維爾幫忙，但哈維爾拒絕
了。
哈維爾的回答涵蓋了他當總統時大多數的論點。1992年脫離斯洛伐克、反共產黨淨化法
、賠償因為私有化或腐敗所損失的財產。細節大概只會引起研究中歐專家們的興趣。但
也許是因為哈維爾從來沒有拿過法律、經濟、或國際關係的高等學位，一些他在這些議
題所發表過的言論，反而會比這些領域的專家所說出來時更引起注意。他對哈維爾家族
重新拿回，在1948年前所擁有之財產的形容非常生動，而且很典型。
把他的訪談切開來看，或是看他的那些備忘錄。都是他這本書裡面serious-comic（譯按
：類似超人或是日本沉默的艦隊這種漫畫）的成分。很多人關心各種總統演講，哈維爾
自己寫道，他真的很討厭這些東西。但知道創造一些國家認同的重要句子，對這個新的
共和國有多重要。他也加入了一些，可能是為了告訴大家「政治是緩慢前進」的東西；告
訴大家政治人物不只是人，而且是無聊透頂的人。現在我們知道哈維爾的步調，跟倒掛在
清空碗櫥的蝙蝠，還有花園裡的水管一樣，都是比較緩慢的。
在結束他的總統任期後，哈維爾沒有留下接班人和政黨。這一點也不讓人意外。他整個生
涯，像這本書一樣，可以看作是個人的辯解，他也不需要去博得大眾的寵愛。哈維爾的睿
智讓他知道，不是每個人都想這麼堅持的。但我們還是從他身上看到一個很好的例子，嗯
而且有時候是十分有趣的。
___________________________________________________
這星期的經濟學人 Books and arts 部分 介紹哈維爾的新書
也許是因為放在這個部分 筆調十分文言 翻得很挫折 應該也翻得很爛吧 XDDD
以下是原文
THE publishers probably groaned on receiving the text of this unusual book. It
seems scratched together and rushed—even a paste-up job. But there is craft
in the casualness. Before becoming his country's first post-Communist president
, Vaclav Havel wrote absurdist plays and prison letters about speaking the
truth to those in power. An intellectual with a near-liturgical respect for
words, he distrusts mass-media patness almost as keenly as he hated Communist
doublespeak. A writer with his ear and his ironic humour was never going to
spoon-feed readers with a smoothly blended fairy tale.
Instead Mr Havel has tossed together official chronicle, satire, score-
settling, self-lacerating apologia and wise thoughts on statecraft with merry
disregard for timelines or tidy exposition. Out of the apparent chaos, a
pattern emerges. By the end you will have a remarkable feel for Mr Havel's
intricate personality—spiky, shy and under-confident but inwardly tough—as
well as a compelling record of what candour and moral authority can, when the
times are right, achieve in politics.
“To the Castle and Back” contains three overlapping elements. First, extended
answers to the Czech political journalist who questioned him for a book-length
interview (“Disturbing the Peace”) 20 years ago. Second, extracts, weighty
and trivial, from Mr Havel's office memos to his staff when he was president of
Czechoslovakia (1989-92) and the Czech Republic after its separation from
Slovakia (1993-2003). And third, entries from a diary written mostly during a
recent stay in Washington, DC, in which Mr Havel, by now in his early 70s,
records among other things his illnesses, his fondness for Americans, his
admiration for senatorial haircuts and his own pernickety dissatisfaction, as
the book goes along, with not having got the subtleties of the record quite
right.
The interview begins where the earlier one left off, in the uncertain period
before November 1989, when power passed from an obdurate-looking Communist
Party to the untried dissidents of Civic Forum in a single heady fortnight.
Almost nothing, Mr Havel tells us, was sure beforehand, least of all that he
would come out on top.
Untidy days
In the mid-1980s, after four years of hard labour in prison for human-rights
campaigning, his moral credit was high but his life was a shambles. A physical
collapse almost killed him. His marriage was shaky and he nearly drowned by
falling drunk into a pond after a party. He was never at university, knew no
economics and had no experience of government. His limited acquaintance with
business was through his father's and uncle's large holdings of property in
Prague, which were expropriated when young Vaclav was 12.
Anyone regarding Mr Havel as too idealistic or too Bohemian for grubby politics
soon learned otherwise. He had thought hard about the transition to democracy
and got the big things right. Despite self-doubt and a terror of public
speaking, he manoeuvred rivals aside to become president in December 1989.
Though limited in domestic affairs, his powers in foreign policy and
appointments were large. To break the Soviet Union's hold over the Czech
armed forces and make democracy “irreversible”, he pressed for withdrawal
from the Warsaw Pact and early membership of NATO.
The “snide brigade”, as he calls his critics in the press, complained about
his appointment at the time. But he defends his first prime minister, Marian
Calfa, a young Communist lawyer from Slovakia, for teaching “the new
government how to govern”. He is cooler about Vaclav Klaus, who oversaw
privatisation as finance minister, was prime minister from 1992 to 1997 and
is now president. The two never got on. Both are centrist democrats, but
opposite in virtually all else.
Mr Klaus is a bumptious free-market populist with nationalist inclinations
who scoffed openly at Mr Havel's sermons on civic responsibility and once
called him the most elitist person he had ever met. Here Mr Havel evens the
score with several courteous but deadly thrusts of his own. Mr Klaus's time
as prime minister ended in a party-financing scandal in 1997. His backers saw
Mr Havel's hand in their man's fall, which Mr Havel denies.
Mr Havel's answers cover many other points in his presidency: the separation
from Slovakia in 1992, an anti-Communist purge law, the restitution of
property and the corruption that came with privatisation. The detail will
interest mainly central European specialists. But perhaps because Mr Havel
never took a higher degree in law, economics or international relations, a
few sentences of his shed more light on such topics than dozens of expert
reports. His description of the Havel family quarrel over their restored
pre-1948 properties is telling and, he suggests, not untypical.
Cutting into the interview every page or so come the memos to his staff. These
are the book's serious-comic element. Many concern presidential speeches,
which he wrote himself, hated giving but considered vital for creating the
right sense of national identity for a new republic. He includes other extracts
presumably to show that “politics plods on”, as he puts it, and that leaders
are not only human, but boringly human. So we learn of the sleeping bat in the
cleaning cupboard, the garden hose and Mr Havel's own temper—both of which he
tells us were too short.
At the end of his presidency, Mr Havel left behind neither heir nor party. This
was no surprise. His whole career, like this book, can be taken as a plea for
individuality, for not going with the crowd. Mr Havel is sage enough to know
that not everyone wants to stand out. Still, his lesson is a good one, and at
times even funny.
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