八十八學年度第一學期期末考試 西洋近代史（江金太）
一、拿破崙戰爭之後，維也納會議根據哪些原則，以哪些條約來重整
歐洲秩序，並評論其得失。
二、說明Nationalism、Conservatism、Liberalism和Democracy的內
涵及其發展。
三、Such was the constitutional basis of Robespierre's
"revolutionarydictatorship," claiming justification .in
the desperate internal and externalcondition of France and
determined to suppress all resistance by rigorousterrorism.
In the frenzy of the time all resistance could be denouncedas
treason or counterrevolution and punished with the guillotine.
Thissituation also chimed well with the personality of
Robespierre, who hada mystical faith in the need for a
"Republic of Virtue." The word"Virtue" had echoes of both
Machiavelli and Montesquieu, for whom itmeant a civic spirit
of unselfishness and dutiful self-sacrifice, as well as of
Rousseau, who had added to it a more sentimental flavor of
personalpurity and incorruptibility. Robespierre's dream
was of a democracy ofloyal citizens and honest men, and he
treated it as his personal missionto inaugurate a new democratic
religion. In June, 1794, he presided overthe first festival
of the Cult of the Supreme Being, having a month before
issued a decree organizing the cult. The second and third
articles of that decree were the most significant; they
recognized "that the proper worship of the Supreme Being
consists in the practice of human duties," andthat "the most
important of these duties are to hate treachery and tyranny,
to punish tyrants and traitors, to succor the unfortunate,
respect the weak,and defend the oppressed, to do all the good
one can to one's neighbor,and to treat no one unjustly."
It was a revolutionary Declaration of theDuties of Man and of
the Citizen, a belated but necessary
sequel to theDeclaration of Rights. It was a sign that the main
surge of revolution hadrun its course; and a month later
Robespierre himself fell victim to the guillotine, when his
own oppressive tyranny had become at last in-tolerable.
With him died his colleagues Saint-Just and Ceuthon.
四、The King and his ministers were themselves in a dilemma.
The situation was inherently revolutionary, because the king
and his ministers,with the best will in the world, could not
satisfy the demands of themiddle classes and peasants for a
larger share of political power and asmaller share of taxation
without destroying the tangle of ancient rightsby which nobles
and Church had their own law courts and powers of jurisdiction,
monopolized all the most lucrative offices in the state, and
enjoyed immunity from the main burdens of taxation. They could
not do this without challenging and changing the whole social
and political structure of France, the essential character of
the old order, in which their own authority was deeply embedded.
The French monarchy was a feudal monarchy, based on the centuries
-old accumulation of feudal relationships between king,
aristocracy, clergy, and all the rest of the population known
as the "Third Estate." The right of the king to rule
existed on the same foundations as the rights and immunities of
the privileged orders. To attack any part of this anomalous and
fossilized structure was to attack by implication every other
part, including royal power itself. Yet the power of the king was
regarded as absolute; and itwas absolute insofar as there existed
no public authority with an acknowledged right to check or deny
the power of the king to govern as he chose. It had been checked
in the past only by violent resistance on the part of over-mighty
nobles or by obstructionist behavior of the local parlemenis,
both reactionary and not reformist forces. The king who claimed
to rule by Divine Right and to wield absolute authority was
infact enmeshed in a system that denied him
autonomy in jurisdiction, obliged him to rule only through the
privileged orders of society, and com-pelled him to finance his
rule by unjust and wasteful fiscal arrangements.His authority
came not from God but only from prescription; his powerwas not
absolute, only arbitrary. Only a monarch prepared to be a
revolutionary could have escaped from the dilemma.
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