課程名稱：中國近代史英文論著
課程性質︰系選修
課程教師︰古偉瀛老師
開課學院：文
開課系所︰歷史
考試日期（年月日）︰2009年1月14日
考試時限（分鐘）：100
是否需發放獎勵金：是
（如未明確表示，則不予發放）
試題 :
請譯下面三組文字,並指出其中的精義
一,
Over the past two decades,critiques of the Fairbank approach have emerged,
most taking issue with the notion of a static East as the passive recipient of
stimulus from a dynamic West.This new historiography can be organized under the
rubric of what Paul Cohen has termed "China-centered"history(1984:153-155).In
contrast to Marx and Fairbank,China-centered historians have delved deeply into
Chinese historical archives to locate Chinese agency in dynamic processes of
change covering much of China's history(e.g.,Wakeman and Grant 1975).In the
case of the period from the first Opium War to the role of indivitual and
collective actors from various strata of Chinese society in making the new
urban centers of the treaty ports(see relevant articles in Elvin and Skinner
1974;Wakeman and Yeh,1992;Hao 1970,1986;Cochran 1999,2001;Tsin 1999;H.Lu 1999).
In many instances,historians have indentified businessmen and entrepreneurs,
some with ties to overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia,who competed
effectively in a number of spheres with ties to overseas Chinese communities in
Southeast Asia,who competed effectively in a number of spheres with
Euroamerican businesses in China.Still others have identified an extended
history of Chinese imperialism and colonization in Inner-Asia and in areas
along the borders between China and Southeast Asian countries,particularly
during the Manchu-led Qing era,and rightly wonder how to deal with this
phenomenon in relationto European encroachment in the nineteenth century.
This "discovery of history in China" has been an extremely salutary shift,
but it has also tended to place Qing China's relations with Western powers into
the backgrpund,while the West seems to have become an ever more reified
historical agent whose features and characteristic no longer require careful
analysis.(30分)
二,It is significant that no matter how imperialistic the intentions of its
builders,Manchukuo were not developed as a colony,but as a nation-state.The
Manchukuo state urgently sought international and domestic recognition of its
sovoreignty even after the League of Nations,following its first,most extensive
investigation,determined against Manchukuo's claim .This book is centrally
concerned wiht how its claim to sovereignty,derived in large part from its
claim to represent the authentic competition among states was expressesd
through the forms of nationalism.As such,Manchukuo reflects the persistent and
complex relationship that existed between nationalism,imperialism and modernity
at at least through the end of World War II.
During the inter-war period,older colonial relationships in many parts of
the world came tobe shaped by experiments in limited political or electoral
representation,nationalist forms,and developmental agendas.But if imperialism
had to adjust to the new ideological conditions,nationalism too had to adapt
to the territorial imperative that historically drove the competitive and
expansionist modern state by devising new political forms embodying the promise
of emancipation and development,of emancipation and development,of identity
representation and supranational brotherhood.(40分)
三, When we turn our attention to the so-called high cultures or Great
Traditions themselves,the quetion of whether they concerned themselves with
significant or real question in ultimately a philosophic question,but it also
bears most directly on whether traditional modalities of thought,attitudes,and
sensbilities derived from the past continue to to affect the outlooks of
intellectuals in modernizing and modern societies.One of most facile ways of
dismissing the high cultures of the past is to assert that the encompassed a
kind of closed symbolic world of concern only to limited.One might make
precisely the same observation concerning the culture of academic in our own
intellectual media and the language in which they are discussed are more often
than not quite inaccessible,even to the literate.In fact,quotations from the
Confucian classics were probable more immediately available to the masses in
China than passages from George Lukacs,Levi-Strauss,or Herbert Marcuse are to
the masses in the West.Yet this observation can hardly be used as way of
determining whether Western intellectuals deal with problems of the real world.
Given our criteria of relevance,the issues which divided Ch'an Buddhists from
Neo-Confucianists in Sung China,or Chu Hsi from Wang Yang-ming,may not appear
significant.The fact that their discourses and debates may or may not have
found an echo in every village,,however,can by no means be used as a criterion
for judging the general human significance and relevance of their
preoccupations.(30分)
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