Re: [外媒] How Technology Revolutionized Taiwan

[jealic (000)]

※ 引述《timshan (軒哥)》之銘言：
: 備註：
: 這是The Diplomat這幾日的Headlines 我想版上應該沒多少人看過
: 另外本文的撰寫者是前Taipei Times的記者 應該是台灣人
: How Technology Revolutionized Taiwan’s Sunflower Movement
: 網頁版：
: http://tinyurl.com/othtwur
: By Vincent Y. Chao
: April 15, 2014
: Underneath the piercing gaze of Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Republic of
: China, a group of students sat, unshaved, unkempt and basking in the glow of
: their laptops. Amongst stacks of coffee cups, crudely drawn artwork, and
: piles of unevenly stacked office chairs, they were hard at work, plotting the
: next phase of their revolt against the government in Taiwan.
在中華民國建國者孫中山尖銳的目光下，一群學生衣著邋遢、疲態倍出地
坐在熱的發燙的筆電前面。喝下一杯接一杯的咖啡，繪製粗糙的標語畫作，
在亂七八糟堆疊的辦公椅之中，這些學生正努力討論下一個階段要如何對
抗台灣政府


: Three weeks earlier, the group had broken past police barriers and forcefully
: occupied the main Legislative assembly hall, defeating multiple attempts to
: evict them by the police. They sit engrossed: sending out press releases,
: updating the group’s Facebook and Twitter accounts, and sparking discussion
: on PTT (an online bulletin board favored by many of the country’s youth).
: Others are dozing off, or hold a blank stare in their eyes, a product of
: weeks of tension, uncertainty and sleep deprivation.

三個禮拜前，這一群人打破了警方的防衛，強行佔領了立法院主要會議廳
並破解警方一個個的驅逐計畫。在這期間，他們沒有間斷地發布新聞，更新臉書
及推特的訊息，並且在PTT(這個國家的青年非常愛用的線上論壇)激發精彩的討論。
另外一些人在經歷了好幾個禮拜的緊張、不確定和睡眠不足，目光呈現無神呆滯
的狀況。


: Initially there were only a hundred of them – students from Taiwan’s top
: universities energized by a series of controversial land seizures and, in
: this case, upset at the government’s attempt to ram through a wide-ranging
: services trade deal with China. Their numbers subsequently swelled, buoyed by
: 24 hour news coverage, Facebook shares, and, of course, volunteers from the
: hundreds of thousands of enthusiastic supporters that have flooded the
: capital Taipei’s streets in recent weeks.

起先佔領的人只有幾百個人；這些原本因一些具爭議的土地掠奪案件而
聚集起來的台灣頂尖大學學生，對於政府強行草率通過與中國大陸的
廣大服務貿易協議感到憂心憤怒。接著他們的人數快速增加。有些人
做24小時全面報導，還有些在臉書上不斷訊息分享，甚至在幾星期內
數以萬計的熱血支持者湧入台北市街頭一起表達意見。

: Oliver Chen, 26, is a student from Taiwan’s prestigious National Taiwan
: University Law School. His hallmark, he says, is the colorful dress shirts he
: changes into every day. “Nothing else is changed. Shirts are all that I
: brought.” During the protests, he was responsible for the bank of computers
: to the left of Sun’s portrait. His team of English speakers worked with the
: foreign press to arrange interviews with the two protest leaders, Chen
: Wei-ting, 23, and Lin Fei-fan, 25.

陳 奧立維，今年26歲，是台灣負有盛名的台灣大學法學系學生。他說這
段期間他每天都換不同顏色的衣服。(這裡好像怪怪? hallmark到底是啥?)
「沒有其他東西了，我就只帶了衣服。」
在學運的期間他負責的地方就在國父畫像下面左邊的電腦區。他和他的團隊
要做的事情就是以英文與外國媒體接洽，安排學運兩個領袖的採訪，他們分別是
23歲的Chen Wei-ting和25歲的Lin Fei-fan。


: Oliver and the rest of the students were organized. Very organized. Even the
: opposition, rumored to have ties to some of the student organizers, admits to
: such. “They could probably run a better campaign than the DPP,” said
: opposition leader Tsai Ing-wen during a media interview. The students have a
: medical center, distribution tables for snacks and goods, and even rooms for
: yoga or singing.

Oliver和其他的學生都非常的有組織，甚至連謠傳與抗爭組織緊密相連的
在野黨都承認這一點。民進黨黨主席蔡英文在訪問中說道："他們或許比民進黨
還會運作抗爭運動。" 這些學生不但有媒體中心，安排點心與雜物的放置，甚至
還有空間來做瑜珈和唱歌。<--這句怎麼看怎麼不爽。


: Oliver and three others, Chen Wei-ting, spokesperson Lin Yu-hsuan, and Sean
: Su, a blogger hailing from New York, worked hard. Revolution is serious
: business. Especially when it comes to answering questions posted on the
: social media site reddit's Ask Me Anything forum, which connects internet
: users from all over the world with the group here in Taipei.

Oliver和其他三人包括陳維廷、發言人Lin Yu-hsuan、和一個從紐約支持的
部落客Sean Su都非常努力。抗爭是需要嚴正以對的事情，尤其是利用社交媒體網站
Reddit的Ask Me Anything論壇回答來自世界各國網路使用者po在上面關於學運
抗爭的提問。

: “You guys are so brave,” said one user, SuperRedneck from Florida. “I’m a
: student and I couldn’t even imagine overtaking a Taco Bell.” After taking a
: bite out of his takeout box of stir-fried noodles, Oliver paused for a
: second. He then responded: “Ask most of us here a couple of months ago, and
: we would have probably said the same.”

一位Florida的使用者SuperRedneck說道：「你們太勇敢了!我是一位學生，
我連佔領一家塔可鐘速食店都無法想像。」Oliver吃了一口外帶炒麵，
想了一下，然後回答：「如果你幾個月前問我們的話，我們應該也是同樣的回答。」

: Thirty-five years ago, during Taiwan’s march towards democracy, these sorts
: of connections with the outside world would have been unthinkable. Protests
: were local, and even activists elsewhere in the country would have been
: hard-pressed to receive accurate first-hand information about ongoing events.
: Newspapers and magazines were tightly regulated. Phones and letters were kept
: under strict surveillance.

在35年前當台灣正邁向民主時期，這些與外界接軌的訊息傳送方式是
無法想像的。抗爭者是當地人，而其他地方的運動者難以接收到事發時
正確的第一手資訊。許多報紙和雜誌都被緊密地管制，電話、信件也被嚴格地監看。


: Instead of Facebook shares and instant messaging, organizers were mobilized
: using underground publications and clandestine meetings in smoke-filled
: university basements. And flyers and posters, not tweets, were how most
: people ended up hearing about any upcoming protests. “They’d hold a rally
: on Friday, and people would start to show up on Saturday and Sunday,” said
: Mattel Hsu, a researcher at Australia’s Monash University, specializing in
: Taiwan’s democracy movement.

這些運動組織者不用臉書、即時訊息，而是利用地下刊物、或是在大學地下室
舉行秘密會議，大部分人最後都是從傳單、海報而不是推特得知即將到來的抗爭。
「他們在星期五的時候號召，而人們是在星期六、星期天的時候出現。」
在澳洲蒙納許大學專攻台灣民主運動的研究者，Mattel Hsu說道。

: This was the case for much of the martial law era, from the demonstrations
: leading up to the Kaohsiung Incident in 1979, all the way to the Wild Lily
: student movement in 1990. Instantaneous gatherings, much like what the
: students are today used to, were completely out of the question. Meanwhile,
: supporters overseas only learned of their efforts following the publication
: of news reports, if they were published at all.

這種情形在大部分戒嚴令時期都是一樣的，從1979年的高雄美麗島事件到
1990年的野百合學運都像這樣，而像今天的學生一樣臨時立刻召集人員是不可能的。
同時，海外支持者也只能透過發行的報紙和新聞來知道抗爭人士所做的努力，
而且還要這些真的有被報導出來。

: Much of this is all ancient history to the students who jumped past police
: lines around the Legislature on the night of March 18. With the internet and
: cell phone signals intermittent in the chambers, the students quickly
: established two centers of command: one inside, and the other based in a
: lecture hall in a National Taiwan University campus a short walk away. They
: wasted no time: volunteers were appointed into security, press, social media
: and research teams, and the revolution was underway.

然而對於那些在318當晚穿過警衛線佔領立院的學生來說都是歷史了。
利用在議場裡斷斷續續的電話訊號，學生們快速建立兩個指揮中心。
一個在議場內，另一個則在離立院不遠的台灣大學教學大樓。他們沒浪費
一丁點時間。志願者被分別指派保安、新聞、媒體、研究團隊等，
抗爭就在進行了。

: At the social media team on campus, Chen Ting-ru’s hands flew furiously over
: the keyboard, her concentration broken only by the occasional gulp of water.
: She was one of the administrators of the Black Island Youth Facebook page
: that was quickly going viral across the country (“likes” would jump from a
: few thousand to more than 200,000 in a few days’ time). Her job was to
: organize information coming out of the Legislature into small, easy-to-read
: snippets that could be readily shared amongst the movement’s supporters.

在校園裡的媒體組，Chen Ting-ru的手飛快的在鍵盤上移動，
只有偶爾喝水中斷她的全神貫注。她是黑色島國島青年臉書的其中一位管理者，
而這臉書在短短的幾天之內如病毒感染般，按讚追蹤人數從幾七人飛升到超過20萬人。
她的工作就是整理從立院裡發佈的訊息，將之縮減較為簡潔、清楚、易懂，輕易在學運
支持者之間分享流通


: She also needed to process information coming in. Sightings of riot police
: and water cannon trucks were given a high priority. Opening a message from a
: supporter detailing the sighting of three such trucks parked on the corner of
: Tianjin Street and Beiping East Road, just a five-minute walk from the
: Legislature, Ting-ru writes: “Can you send me proof? I need photo proof. We
: have reports coming in from everywhere.” A picture duly arrived five minutes
: later.

她也需要處理得到的訊息，優先注意鎮暴警察和水車的動向。當有一則
來自支持者情報說看到三輛疑似水車停在天津街和北平東路交叉口
（就在離立院步行5分鐘的距離處）時，Ting-ru寫道：「可以請你給我證據嗎？
我需要已照片為證，畢竟我們已經收到太多來自各地方的訊息了。」接著5分鐘後
她要的照片就傳來了。

: Nearby, a colleague maintained a publicly accessible Google cloud document
: detailing the list of supplies needed and how donors could contribute. The
: list was closed for two days between March 22 and 23 while donated supplies
: overflowed roadside tents and volunteers scrambled to hand them out. It was
: later reopened (some of the more recent items required: extension cords,
: diesel generators and medical kits), and boxes are neatly stacked underneath
: a distribution center outdoors.

在她旁邊，有另一位同學利用google雲端文件分享，告訴大眾
他們所需要的物品以及捐助的方法。這個項目清單在3/22,3/23暫時關閉，
因為補給物資多到放不下路邊的帳篷，志工還得趕緊將物資搬出，等到之後還有
近期比較需要的如延長線、發電機、醫療箱等需求時，才重新再公告，這些物資箱子
都整齊地排到物資站的外面。


: The other teams were in a similar state of controlled frenzy. At the press
: team, a 25-year-old journalism major was keeping the organizers updated with
: the latest news coming in about their protest. This was done through a group
: on Line, the Japanese messaging app, in 15-minute intervals. Press releases
: were prepared collaboratively on Google docs. And in the research team,
: groups of students, dominated by law majors, scoured online articles,
: statistics and oversea press reports in an attempt to debunk the government’
: s statements on the potential benefits of passing the services agreement with
: China.

其他團隊也遇到了類似這樣的瘋狂卻又不失秩序的狀況。在新聞組裡面，
一位25歲的主修新聞學的學生，透過日本一款訊息app，和群組人員以15分鐘一次的頻率
持續未怠地將關於他們抗爭最新消息做整理。這些新聞的公告同時也與Google文件平台
相輔相成。而在研究團隊裡，由一群法律專攻的學生快速刷新網路上的文章、數據
和國外新聞報導，重在揭發政府企圖通過與中國簽訂服貿而做的種種Z>B的虛假論述。

: Despite their cutting-edge Macbook Airs (the preferred laptop of the
: revolution), smartphones and iPads, facilities in the lecture hall were
: rudimentary. Students slept in shifts on cardboard boxes strewn around the
: concrete floor, hot meals appeared every two days, and most students could
: only exit but not enter the premises between the hours of midnight and 6am
: (due to the school’s policies). “Hello” and “Goodbye” were gradually
: replaced by Xinkule – which roughly translates as “You’ve had a hard day.”
: Outside the relative calm in the Legislature and at the school campus, the
: protest was in full swing. Thousands of supporters were streaming into
: Zhongshan South, Jinan and Qingdao East roads each day in support of the
: student occupation. As with the police, employees of the three 7-11
: convenience stores in the area were on a full 24-hour rotation schedule.

儘管他們都有高科技的蘋果電腦、智慧型手機、iPad，議事廳裡的設備
還是屬於舊型的。學生輪班，在地上鋪了硬紙板就睡，每兩天一次熱食，
而且大部分的學生在半夜和早上六點的時候會場裡只出不進（因為學校政策）。
本來日常生活中所說的”你好”、”再見”漸漸變成”辛苦了”。
相較於立法院外面和一般校園裡的寧靜，抗爭則是如火如荼在進行。
好幾千名支持者每天都會湧入中山南路、濟南路、青島東路，為了要支持
學生佔領立院的行動。而警方和附近7-11商家員工則24小時輪班以對。

(話說7-11本來就24小時啊!應該是說賺比較多？)


: There was uncertainty in the air, and protestors were wondering when, if
: ever, the police would begin to forcefully eject them from around the
: building.
: Jason Lin, 25, was one of the protestors sitting on the corner of Zhenjiang
: and Qingdao East streets, the critical juncture at the northeast corner of
: the legislative building. A postgrad at National Kaohsiung Normal University,
: he arrived in Taipei on the afternoon of March 21 after a browsing through
: Facebook. The official Black Island Youth Facebook page had shared a picture
: calling on supporters to fill the surrounding streets between midnight and
: noon each day, when it deemed police most likely to strike.

在不知道警方何時會攻堅的情況下，一種不確定感和擔憂瀰漫於抗爭者之間。
位於立院東北方的鎮江街和青島東路的重要路口，坐著一位25歲的抗爭者Jason Lin.
他畢業於高雄師範大學，看過臉書後在3/21下午立刻抵達台北。在認為警方可能會攻堅
的情況下，黑色島國青年的臉書在每天半夜和中午都會分享一張圖片，
號召大家來包圍立院周圍街區。


: “After watching it on TV for the past two days, I realized that I had to be
: here,” Jason said, sitting alongside thousands of similarly mobilized
: protestors as they listened to student speakers, university professors and
: pop singers take turns on stage to deride the services agreement one-by-one.
: “I think it’s pretty important that this movement goes on so that the
: government is forced to listen to us,” he added, echoing demands by
: organizers that the legislators reject the agreement for a further, more
: substantive, review.

「在電視上看了臉天之後，我了解到我必須來這。」Jason說。他與其他
同樣自行動員的支持者一起坐在地上，傾聽台上的學生發言人、大學教授
和一些流行樂手一個個輪番上台嘲弄服貿協議。
「這場學運要持續下去讓政府必須聽到我們的心聲，我認為這很重要。」回應
學運方喊出的反服貿口號後，他另外加了一句個人的體悟。


: With Facebook’s penetration rate in Taiwan amongst the highest in the world
: (edging out Hong Kong), that shared picture succeeded beyond expectations. By
: the weekend of March 22, the students were in firm control of the legislative
: chambers and the surrounding streets. Even during the night, thousands slept
: on newspapers, and in rudimentary sleeping bags and tents. But the government
: ’s position had not changed. During a press conference on the morning of
: March 23, President Ma expressed sympathy for the students, but said that the
: services agreement with China would proceed as planned. It was essential, he
: said, to allow Taiwan to compete in an increasingly globalized market.


多虧臉書在台灣是最普及的平台(香港次之)，圖片分享的狀況好到超出預期。
在3/22週末，學生確實地掌控著立法院議會聽和周邊的街道。到了晚上，
還有好幾千人睡在報紙上、睡袋和帳篷裡。然而政府從來沒有改變立場。
在3/23早上的記者會中，總X馬小九表示認同學學生的出發點，但是服貿協議

必須按計畫進行(靠背~)。他說，讓台灣能與世界經濟接軌進而全球化是非常重要的。
                               ^^^      ^^^^^^^^^^^     ^^^^^^
                               我       ㄊㄧㄢˇ       支那 腿


: His response was not unexpected. But inside and outside the Legislature,
: students were growing restless. A self-imposed ultimatum for a government
: response had come and gone. Initially, student organizers proposed to take
: over the rest of the legislative complex. This was discussed but ultimately
: rejected (civic organizations said that it would break a truce with the
: police). But by the afternoon, a consensus had emerged. They would support a
: splinter group of students that would rapidly assemble in front of the
: cabinet offices (Executive Yuan), overwhelm police and occupy the complex.
: This plan was deemed the most likely to further galvanize both students and
: the public.

儘管不是沒猜到馬娘娘的回答，但立院內外的學生卻越來越憤怒，
並對政府下了一道最後通牒。一開始，學生組織提出要去佔領其他的
政府機關，雖然這意見討論後被駁回（公民團體說這可能打破與警方的對峙狀態），
到了下午，學生們居然達成了共識。他們支持另外一小組人馬快速聚集在
內閣(行政院)前面，打破警力、佔領政院。這個計畫被認為進一步激化學生與警方之間的
關係。

: For this operation, two factors were identified as essential. First, there
: would have to a method of spreading the message for students to meet in front
: of the Executive Yuan at a specified time (and for students to wear gloves,
: in order to scale the barbed wire barricades). Second, it would have to be
: done covertly to slow the police response. A Facebook event or a Line group,
: thought to be unsafe and susceptible to government infiltration, was out of
: the question. Instead, the students decided that messages would go out
: through word-of-mouth and that only trusted confederates would be informed.
: During the February revolution in Ukraine, a Youtube video featuring Yulia
: Marushevska, a young Ukrainian making an impassioned plea for help, had gone
: viral, reaching eight million views and attracting international attention.
: Not only did she end up on CNN, she also became a rallying call on social
: media websites including Facebook, Twitter and reddit. Organizers both in
: Ukraine and Taiwan were aware that international support was not only
: necessary, but also essential, in the public relations battle against the
: government.
關於占領政院的行動，有兩個因素被認為相當重要。
第一，須要有一種傳播消息的方法，讓學生能在特地時間點聚集在政院前面。
(學生還要穿戴手套來攀爬鐵絲網)
第二，必須要偷偷的做，讓警方能慢點反應。
臉書、LINE群組被認為絕對不能用是因為容易被警方滲透而不安全。
學生決定依靠口耳相傳的方式傳遞消息，只告知信任的夥伴。
在烏克蘭的二月事變期間，一個年輕的烏克蘭人Yulia Marushevska透過youtube
發佈一部急切懇求幫助的影片，這影片迅速如病毒蔓延般爆紅，達到八百萬點閱率，
並獲得國際關注。她不只是上了CNN，
還在社交網站如臉書、推特、reddit上成為號召人。
烏克蘭和台灣意識到，在對抗政府上，國際的支持是非常重要且不可或缺的公關戰。


: At the school campus, the social media team were looking for a similar story.
: Ting-ru, the Facebook administrator, had taken a microphone onto the podium
: to ask for students to volunteer as speakers and filmmakers. They would film
: messages in Cantonese, Chinese, English and Japanese. Videos would be shared
: on the official Facebook page. Instead of “I am a Ukrainian,” students
: would start with “I’m a Taiwanese,” and end with a plea for viewers to
: share the links with their friends.
在學校方面，媒體團隊也在尋求類似的方法。
臉書管理者Ting-ru用立院講台上的麥克風請其他學生志願做為發言人和影片錄製者。
他們要能將訊息轉成粵語、中文、英文和日文。影片會在臉書官方網站上分享。
像烏克蘭影片以”我是烏克蘭人”做為開頭一樣，學生在影片開始的時候都會先說
一句”我是台灣人”，而以請求觀眾與朋友分享影片的呼籲做結。

: Over the course of the movement, dozens of such videos would be shot and
: distributed on Youtube; some of behalf of the organizers, most others being
: messages of support from around the world. “Don’t let Taiwan become the
: next Hong Kong,” said students from Hong Kong swaying to the tune of John
: Lennon’s Imagine. While none of the videos would come anywhere close to the
: success of the Ukrainian clip, Youtube, unfiltered and not subject to
: commentary from the media, was about to become a defining medium in how the
: revolution was to be shared.
在整個學運進行的過程中，許多類似的影片被錄製並在youtube上流傳；有些是
學運組織者所拍攝的，而還有其他很大一部份是來自世界其他角落的支持者的訊息。
“別讓台灣成為下一個香港。”隨著約翰藍儂的Imagine而搖擺的香港學生說道。
這些影片雖然不像那部烏克蘭短片一樣成功散佈出去，但是youtube上傳不用被過濾、
也不受限於一般媒體評論的影響，成為影響這場抗爭如何被定義的一個媒介。

: One of the other mediums, of course, was exposure through the foreign media.
: Ma, Harvard educated and fluent in English, was sensitive to international
: opinion, the students reasoned. As a result, the hearts and minds of people
: worldwide would be essential if they were to force the government to agree to
: their demands, which included at this point the passage of a monitoring
: mechanism for cross-strait agreements, and rejection of the services
: agreement by the Legislature for further review.
而其他的媒介則透過外國的媒體。學生認為，英語流利且畢業於哈佛大學的馬啾啾
對於國際評論相當敏感。所以全世界人民的想法意見對於迫使政府同意學生的要求
是非常重要的，而這些要求包括了建立兩岸協議的監督機制，將服貿協議退回
立法院做進一步審查。


: Nick Tan was one of the organizers in the Legislature, attempting
: unsuccessfully to get his internet to work. One of the older members of the
: group, he was about to field a live interview session with the BBC on Skype
: in 15 minutes. A veteran of student protests in the past, including the Wild
: Strawberry movement in 2008, this was his first Skype interview. Searching
: desperately for an open connection, he was frustrated. Extremely frustrated.
: “Forget it.  It’s not going to work.”
組織中有一位Nick Tan，他的網路總是連接不上。做為團體裡較年長的一員，
他將要在15分鐘內連上Skype和回答BBC記者的訪問。他以前也參加過2008年
的野草莓學運，這是他的第一次Skype訪問。他急著找到開放網路，相當沮喪。
「算了啦，一定不行的。」

: Nick and Oliver, the liaison for the foreign press, were two organizers who
: understood the need for a close relationship with the foreign media. Fielding
: upwards of 30 e-mails and an equal number of calls per day, they struggled,
: mostly unsuccessfully, to make their movement relevant in a sea of reports
: surrounding the missing Malaysian airliner MH370. But they didn’t struggle
: alone. Scores of bloggers had also set up shop, sharing real-time video,
: photos and updates from the assembly hall’s second floor balcony.
: A few in particular stood out. A hacker collective (loosely termed) called
: g0v had established a publicly accessible “hackfolder” to consolidate
: information flowing out of the chamber.

Nick和Oliver負責和國外媒體連絡，他們都相當清楚與國外媒體
建立緊密的必要性。他們每天都要回復多達30封email和30通的電話，
他們費勁力氣，卻很難從一堆馬航MH370失聯的新聞中
突顯關於他們這場學運的報導，好在他們並不是孤軍奮戰。
大量的部落客在立院大廳二樓建立工作站分享即時影片、照片和更新訊息。
其中一些立刻吸引大家的關注。一群電腦厲害的人組成g0v團隊，
建立了一個向大眾公開的”黑夾(hackfolder)”整理並鞏固從議會流出的訊息。

It provided easily accessible links
: to 17 streaming video feeds from both the two floors inside, as well as their
: surrounding streets. Meanwhile, three text feeds, included one in English,
: were also updated every minute by bloggers fuelled by caffeine and ramen.
: Tucked away in one corner of the balcony, past a security checkpoint manned
: by volunteers armed with iPads, was Sean Su, the blogger from New York. Sean,
: a web engineer by trade, had arrived in the chamber during the confusion that
: followed shortly after the initial occupation. Equipped with two iPads, he
: rapidly set up a video feed on UStream (tagline: You’re on!), a San
: Francisco-based company with more than 80 million viewers and broadcasters.
: It was essential, he said, that viewers gain unfiltered access to what was
: happening in the Legislature.
(我不會翻feed …..Orz跪求)
大眾能輕易的點開這些連結，由17個影片連結可以看到
議院裡一樓和二樓向外的視野和周圍的街區，同時提供三個即時文字報導，
其中一個還是英文，而多虧這些拼命攝取咖啡因和吃泡麵的部落客，
這些連結得以每分鐘更新一次。
在議院二樓的另一個角落，配有iPad的志工在那裡設立了安全檢查點，
Sean Su就窩在那裏，他是來自紐約的部落客。
在佔領立院發生當時大家還充滿著疑惑與遲疑的時候，
身為貿易公司網路工程師，他很快就抵達議院現場。
他帶著兩台iPad，馬上在UStream分享一個影片連結（抬頭是：你在現場！）
UStream是在舊金山設立的公司，有超過八千萬的觀眾和播報員在線上。
他說：「讓大家看到立法院非過濾的現場報導非常重要。」

(幹! 大神們! 請容我膜拜!)


: Back on the school campus, students were watching the rapidly unfolding
: events at the Executive Yuan. At 7:35 pm on the evening of Sunday March 23,
: two hundred students led by organizers Chen Ting-hao and Wei Yang had managed
: to break past the barbed wire barricades at the main entrance and enter the
: building compound. A small number climbed up ladders and managed to break
: into the building itself, quickly piling up furniture to block the police
: response that was sure to come.
: They were soon joined by more than three thousand supporters from the
: neighboring Legislature, who streamed over Zhongxiao East Road to expand
: their sit-in at the complex. Spirits were high. But so were tensions.
: Initially caught off guard, police rapidly regrouped to the north of the
: complex on Beiping East Road. Thousands of riot police were called in and
: officials promised a swift response.

 回到校園，學生看著迅速更新的行政院攻占消息。在3/23(日)傍晚7:35的時候，
組織者Chen Ting-hao, Wei Yang帶領兩百個學生突破行政院大門鐵絲網進入前院，
還有一部分的人藉著梯子闖進去，快速堆疊起椅子以阻止警察進入。
立法院那邊很快又分出三千多人加入，湧入忠孝東路並在周圍擴大靜坐。
他們的鬥志高昂，同時也很緊張。警方沒有預警的快速在北平東路集結，上千名鎮暴警察
被傳喚到現場。

: What followed was a series of puzzling encounters. First, one of the
: administrators on the Facebook account, one that each organizer assumed that
: others knew, posted a widely shared message suggesting that supporters should
: relocate from the Legislature to the cabinet office. This was later deleted.
: But to add to the confusion, another message was sent out just before 10 pm,
: this time via text, asking hundreds of students “on non-official business”
:  to return to their campus base of operations.
: The text was troubling. Not only did it lead to the withdrawal of about half
: the key organizers at a critical juncture, it was also sent directly into
: personal, unlisted numbers – many of which were not given out during the
: course of the protest. Students at the campus base were confused to see the
: sudden arrival of dozens of breathless colleagues who were essential to the
: organization of supplies and personnel at the Executive Yuan.

接下來發生的事件實情卻是撲朔迷離。第一個是臉書上其中一個行政部門的人員
分享了一個po文號召大家從立院轉戰行政院，而且許多組織者還以為這是其他人
都知道的事情，接著這則訊息後來就被刪除了，但令人困惑的是就在晚上10點以前
另一則訊息以簡訊的方式要求上百位"沒有公務在身"的學生回到校園基地。這則簡訊
造成了大麻煩。它不只導致了許多關鍵組織者在關鍵時刻退縮，它還是直接被傳送到許多
沒在抗爭時出現的人的手機裡。在校園基地的學生莫名地看到一堆喘著氣的同伴
突然出現，而且這些同伴在行政院都身兼供給、人員調度的重責大任。

: Meanwhile, some of the Facebook and Line messaging groups used by the
: organizers suddenly ballooned from about 25 to 40 users, many with profile
: names that organizers failed to recognize. Some of their profile pictures
: appeared to be students (wearing a no-nuke T-shirt, for example, reminiscent
: of an earlier protest many student organizers had participated in), but a
: closer look revealed the accounts either to have been recently created, or
: devoid of any further personal information.
: Amid confusion at the operations level, the first wave of riot police moved
: in at half past midnight. Thousands of them in full riot gear – wielding
: batons and shields – methodologically cleared out Beiping East Road. Most of
: the protestors, staging a sit-in, were pulled out. Others who resisted were
: expelled more violently, leading to media images of bruised and bloodied
: students emerging from behind police lines.

同時，有些臉書和LINE的組織群組成員突然從25人暴增到40人，這些人的暱稱
組織者也認不出來，而他們的個人大頭貼則多是學生（穿著反核T恤，
讓有些組織者聯想到他們早先參加的組織），但是調查更深入之後卻發現這些帳號不是
最近新辦的，就是沒有進一步的個人資訊。
因為管理上出現的疑惑，第一批鎮暴警察在半夜的時候進入，幾千名的警察還都穿
著鎮暴裝，手拿警棍、盾牌，(methodologically)清空了了北平東路。大部分的靜坐者
都被拉了出來，其他人則被粗暴地驅趕，而媒體拍到一些在警察隊伍後面
學生被打到瘀青、流血的照片。


: Aided by water cannon trucks, this continued until 7 am. Following Beiping
: East Road, the Executive Yuan building, and the surrounding complex were also
: cleared out before police moved to Zhongshan and Zhongxiao East Road, where
: hundreds remained defiant through the night and the early morning. Prior to
: each eviction, the members of the media were to first be escorted out, some
: forcefully, to prevent pictures and videos of the process to permeate the
: live news cycle.
: At daybreak, Taiwan woke up.
: The country woke to scenes of protestors, mostly students, clutching bloodied
: faces as they blinked, dazed and confused, into living rooms and offices.
: What was initially envisioned by both students and the public to be a climax
: for the movement instead became a catalyst. As far away as the U.S., Canada
: and the U.K., supporters, mostly overseas Taiwanese students and immigrants,
: rallied in public squares in defense of the students. Even Senator Sherrod
: Brown (D) and Representative Ed Royce (R) would release statements in their
: support.
他們承受著水車的攻擊直到早上七點。沿著北平東路，行政院和週邊街區也
被清除乾淨，之後警察前進中山路和忠孝東路，那邊還有好幾百個從晚上抗爭到早上
的人。每一次驅逐之前，媒體會先受到粗暴地隔離，或禁止拍照、錄影現場過程到即
時新聞上。在破曉之時，台灣醒來了，整個國家醒來後看到的是抗議者，大多是學生，
眼睛不斷的因為流下的血而不住眨眼，茫然困惑的回到家裡客廳或辦公室。
學生和警方原先都以為這可能是這次運動的最高點，卻變成了加強運動持續的催化因素。
即使遠如如美國、加拿大、英國，大部分海外的台灣留學生或僑生集結在各廣場上
表示支持學運學生，就連參議員Sherrod Brown (D) 和州議員Ed Royce (R)都表達了支持
的言論。

: Many of these scenes – videos and images uploaded on Youtube, Facebook and
: other discussion forums – would end up being taken down faster than they
: could be put up. And with 41 protestors charged due to the Executive Yuan
: protest, student groups organized on PTT, the online bulletin board, began to
: rapidly assemble and compile these files so that they could be used as
: potential evidence further on.
: In the meantime, a full-page advertisement in the New York Times was quickly
: put together by 4 am, by a group of civic activists with loose ties with the
: student organizers. It was a powerful message, featuring students with their
: heads bowed being hosed by a water cannon. “Taiwan,” it noted, “needs your
: attention and support.” The placement costs of $208,000 (inclusive of the
: New York Times ad at $153,000 and another at the Taiwan-based Apple Daily)
: were raised in less than four hours on FlyingV, Taiwan’s equivalent to
: Kickstarter.


這些上傳到youtube、臉書和論壇的影片和照片很多都被刪除，比上傳的速度
還快，組織指還有一些學生團體在PTT上開始備份和收集這些資料，用來做為未來有力
的證據。同時，一篇全版的廣告很快在紐約時代雜誌上刊出，這是由一群與學生
關係較遠的公民運動者發起的。這是一篇非常有利的訊息，廣告上面有一些學生被水車
攻擊到直不起身。它下了一個標題「台灣需要你們的關注和支持」。廣告的出刊花費了
208,000美元(包括紐約時報的廣告是153,000美元，而其他則投入台灣蘋果日報刊廣告。)
這些錢在FlyingV，一個台灣支持創業的平台，以不到4小時的速度募集而成。

: Preparations also began for a larger rally – one that the students hoped
: would capitalize on discontent with both the services agreement and the
: police crackdown. Predominately spread through Facebook, almost half a
: million would end up attending on the afternoon of Sunday May 30, more than
: five times the number that the organizers had envisioned. The occupation had
: evidently hit a raw nerve for the public, and it no longer seemed possible
: that the students would quietly fade into the background.
: Back in the legislative chambers, it was nearing 3 am on April 2, three days
: after the rally. Oliver was tired. With less than 20 hours of sporadic sleep
: over the past week, interrupted frequently by foreign journalists calling at
: all hours, he sat groggy eyed staring at the questions on reddit coming in
: from around the world. Some were essays (“In a proper democracy this is
: where the judicial branch gets involved right?”), others were one sentence
: statements of support (“No questions but I wish I could upvote this post a
: thousand times.”)

更進一步地，學生希望利用對於服貿和警察暴力的不滿，召集更多的人群。
訊息主要透過臉書散佈，結果幾乎有50萬人在3/30星期天下午出席。佔領凱道的活動
給了默默大眾有力一擊，而學運學生似乎也不太可能安靜地從舞台上退出了。
回到立院議會，4/2，大召集的三天之後，接近凌晨3點時，Oliver已經很疲憊了，
一個星期睡不到20小時，而且還是因為外國記者頻繁的連繫，他只能挑空檔睡。
他眼睛半垂地盯著reddit上來自世界其他地方提出的問題。

: Oliver took a look at the room around him. Dozens of students slept in
: sleeping bags on the floor. The bloggers were still up, giving live
: commentary on the balcony. Lin Fei-fan, clad in his trademark olive green
: jacket sat hunched over his computer, planning, no doubt, the events that
: would come tomorrow. He went back to the statement about the Taco Bell from
: the user in Florida.
: Oliver looked at his response. “Ask most of us here a couple of months ago,
: and we would have probably said the same.” Clearing his eyes for a second,
: he paused again, then he slowly added, “But one day you realize that if you
: aren’t willing to stand up for your country now, there might never be
: another chance.”
 Oliver看了看周圍，許多學生在地上鋪了睡袋就睡，部落客醒著，在二樓樓台
那裡發佈即時消息。林非凡穿著代表他的軍綠色外套，彎身對著他的電腦，計畫著明天
定會到來的事件。他回復Florida使用者關於Taco Bell的論述。
Oliver看到他的回覆：「如果你幾個月前問我們的話，我們大概也會說同樣的話。」
他揉了一下眼睛，然後加上：「但你要知道如果你現在不願意為你的國家站出來，
那麼你可能再也不會有機會站出來了。」

: “That’s a pretty sobering thought.”
: Author’s note: The students peacefully ended the occupation on April 10,
: after cleaning up and fixing much of what was broken inside and outside the
: chamber. Organizers Lin Fei-fan and Chen Wei-ting said that they had achieved
: their aims after Legislative Speaker Wang Jyn-ping announced on April 7 that
: he would ensure that a monitoring mechanism be passed prior to a further
: review of the service agreement. Some of the names of the students in this
: article have been changed to protect their identity.
: Vincent Y. Chao is a former reporter at the Taipei Times. He is a writer
: based in Taipei, Taiwan.

 「這是非常重要的想法，」
作者寫道：「學生們清潔了立院裡外，並修復一些壞掉了東西，
在4/10平靜的結束了立院佔領。林非凡和陳維廷說當王金平院長在4/7公開保證會
設立對於服貿協議的監督機制。」有一些學生在他的文章裡因為保護個人資料
而做了修改，Vincent Y. Chao是Taipei Times前記者，現在是台灣在台北的作家。



 ~End~



--
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※ 文章網址: http://www.ptt.cc/bbs/FuMouDiscuss/M.1397728649.A.D9B.html
→ timshan:你還真有毅力....XD
推 Anail:加油
※ 編輯: jealic (114.25.164.66), 04/18/2014 02:48:40
※ 編輯: jealic (114.25.164.66), 04/18/2014 03:24:33
※ 編輯: jealic (114.25.164.66), 04/18/2014 23:01:36
※ 編輯: jealic (114.45.153.1), 04/20/2014 18:14:22
推 qmau:太有毅力了
※ 編輯: jealic (114.45.153.1), 04/22/2014 23:02:33
※ 編輯: jealic (114.25.171.44), 04/23/2014 11:05:14