[討論] 經綸=聖約；早期教會對於此救恩歷史辭彙

[df62 (大螃蟹)]

看到k大貼了兩篇關於【千年國】的帖子。當然，對於了解華人基督教的神學衝突的人而言，一眼就能夠看出來，這又是所謂【聖約神學Vs時代論】的後遺症。

剛剛去倉庫裡面翻了一下，找到這篇蠻應景的文章，貼出來給大家參考。

說實在話，華人基督教的神學水平除了低下外，往往還為了鼓吹自己的教派，不擇手段的打壓異己——當然，公義啊，倫理學還是要掛在嘴邊。不然，體現不出來自己的超然卓絕，也無法說服聽眾。這，都是可以理解的。

這篇的標題：OIKONOMIA=COVENANT，翻譯成為中文，就是經綸=聖約

可能讀者會問：這個標題跟千年國有幾毛錢的關係啊？

簡單的說：oikonomia是『一詞多義』，同時可以翻譯為Economy/經綸，dispnesation/分賜，和管家職分/Stwardship。

而Dispensation，就是時代論（Dispensationalism）的字根。所以，在時代論的背景下，dispensation還可以被翻譯為時代——雖然我認為這是一個很爛的翻譯，但是沒辦法。也就是說，所謂『時代論』是建立在oikonomia觀念上面的一種解經體系或末世論。

然後，時代論是千年國教義的大本營，聖約神學是無前主義的大本營。兩個是死對頭。當然，如果你有興趣，可以去找找《千禧年論簡介》（校園），《認識時代論者》（改革宗出版社）這幾本書。

OK, 現在，這位作者說oikonomia=covenant，意思就是『時代論=聖約神學』。

這樣介紹一下，大家就應該會覺得有意思了！：P

=======================================================================

OIKONOMIA = "COVENANT"; TERMS FOR
HEILSGESCHICHTE IN EARLY CHRISTIAN USAGE
經綸=聖約；早期教會對於此救恩歷史辭彙的使用

BY

JOHN REUMANN, Ph.D.
Cambridge, England

Oikonomia = "Covenant"; Terms for Heilsgeschichte in Early Christian Usage
Author(s): John Reumann
Source: Novum Testamentum, Vol. 3, Fasc. 4 (Dec., 1959), pp. 282-292
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1559945
Accessed: 30-11-2015 19:49 UTC


OLxovouioc is a rare but important New Testament word denoting God's plan of
salvation.[ Of the other New Testament uses, besides those cited above, Luke
xvi 2-4 gives the usual classical sense, the office of the oikonomos, and i
Tim. i 4 seems to expand on the sense found in Paul and Ephesians (RSV, "the
divine training that is in faith", or "stewardship", or "order").
除了上述經文外，聖經其他出現的地方，例如路加十六2-4提供了一個典型的意義，就是
oikonomos的職分，提前一4似乎進一步擴充了保羅書信和以弗所書中的意義（RSV，“在
信心中神聖的訓練（the divine training that is in faith）”，或“管家職分（
stewardship）”，或“次序（order）”。] It appears in Paul, at I Cor. ix I7
and Col. i 25, with reference to the "commission" or "stewardship" or "divine
office" granted to him in God's program. In Ephesians the term means not only
"the stewardship of God's grace" (iii 2) given to the Apostle to the
Gentiles, but also, in an application which goes beyond any earlier Pauline
nuance, refers to the plan itself of God, "set forth in Christ... for the
fulness of time" (i io), "the plan of the mystery hidden for ages in God ...
which he has realized in Christ Jesus our Lord" (iii 9), what C. LESLIE
MITTON has called God's "planned economy", "statesmanship", "generalship", or
"strategy" for man's salvation.[ C. LESLIE MITTON, The Epistle to the
Ephesians (Oxford, 1951), p. 93.]
OLxovouioc（本文譯作‘經綸’）是一個少見，卻又是在新約中重要的字眼，它指明神救
贖的計畫。它出現在保羅著作中，包括林前九17和歌羅西一25，它被當做在神的計畫中託
付給保羅的“責任”或“管家職分（stewardship）”或“神聖的職任”。這個字在以弗
所中不僅僅意表賜給保羅再賜給外邦人之“神恩典的管家職分”（iii2），它也意表一種
在保羅早期作品中的細微茶幣，用來指明神計畫的本身，“為著基督設立。。。為了時間
滿足的時候”（i10），“在神中，在許多世代中所隱藏的奧秘計畫。。。就是在我們的
主耶穌基督完成的”（iii9），C. Lesle Mitton稱之為，為了人類救贖而有之“計畫好
的經綸（planned economy）”，“治國才能（Statemanship）”，“將才（generalship
）”或“戰略（strategy）”。

This use of oikonomia for the divine plan of salvation occurs much more
frequently in early Christian literature outside the canon. Ignatius, for
instance, in his letter to the Ephesians (20, I; cf. 18, 2), speaks of the
"economy relating to the new man Jesus Christ", the new covenantal
relationship which he has initiated.[ Ign. Eph. 20, I: o.xovooLLOCE tc TO'v
xCLavov vOptWotov'I qCaouv XpiLaTv. i8, 2: 6 yap Oeb6fq? LVO'VI' liaou; 6
XpLaorT ?xuo(popOfytU 6OM6 capiLox Car'o [xovol.oav Oo5U? X 67?pFLOCTOLcU ? V
A0CaiS, 7TV?iaTo 8'? ay Lou.] Thereafter, in the writings of the church
fathers, oikonomia becomes increasingly common, especially employed with
reference to the covenants through which God has worked out his plan of
salvation for first the Old, then the New, Israel. To take one example,
Irenaeus is fond of speaking about human history in terms of covenant
theology and sums up the divine plan through two, or sometimes four, covenant
arrangements from God for the salvation of men.[ Adv. Haer. 3, Io, 5; II, 8;
I2, 15; 4, 9, I; 20, Io. Cf. ROBERT V. Moss, The Covenant Concept in Early
Christian Thought (microfilmed dissertation; Chicago: the University of
Chicago, I954).] Tertullian reflects the same pattern: two covenants exist in
redemptive history, he insists in opposition to Marcion, but the New Covenant
under Christ is superior.[ E.g., Adv. Marc. 4, I; 5, 4.] Origen likewise uses
oikonomia for both the earlier ordering of salvation and the new covenant
arrangement transferred to Christians.[ C. Cels. 4, 8 and 9; 5, 50; Comm. in
loan. 6, 44.] Most other fathers in the third and fourth centuries employ the
term for the redemptive arrangements made in a covenant by God as part of his
salvation plan. G. L. PRESTIGE'S study of the word, based on material
gathered for the long-promised Oxford Dictionary of Patristic Greek and made
available in his book God in Patristic Thought, rightly concludes that
oikonomia meant for the fathers "above all ... the covenanted dispensation of
grace" in the Old Testament
or through Christ.[ God in Patristic Thought (2nd ed.; London: SPCK, 1952),
p. 64.]
這種將oikonomia當做神救贖計畫的使用方式往往發生在正典之外的基督教作品中。例如
，英格那丟（Ignatius）在他寫給以弗所人的信中（20，I；cf. 18,2）說到“關於新人
耶穌基督的經綸”，他開始注重有一種新的盟約關係。在他之後的教父作品中，
oikonomia變得越來越平常，特別是被用來指明神所完成的，為了舊以色列並新以色列的
救贖計畫。例如，愛任紐就用聖約神學論到人類的歷史並將神的計畫用兩個，有時候用四
個從神而來的聖約論點加以總結。特土良也反映出同樣的模式：救贖的歷史中有兩個約，
他堅決反對馬吉安，認為在基督之下的新約是更為超越的。俄列根也使用oikonomia作為
救贖早期的次序並轉移給基督徒的新約安排。大部分三，四世紀的教父將這個字用來描述
約中救贖的安排，這個安排是神救贖計畫的一部分。G. L. Prestige對於這個子的研究乃
是根據久違的牛津教父希臘文字典（Oxford Dictionary of Patristic Greek），並收錄
在他的著作——教父思想中的神（God in Patristic Thought）中。他正確的結論到，對
於教父們，oikonomia的意思乃是在舊約中或透過基督——“在一切之上。。。恩典在約
中的分賜”。

Oikonomia thus amounted to what is today called Heilsgeschichte, and a number
of writers, like CULLMANN in Christ and Time, and most of the authors of
histories of doctrine, including HARNACK, LOOFS, SEEBERG, WALTER KOEHLER, and
MARTIN WERNER, suggest this equation.[ 0. CULLMANN, Christ and Time (Eng.
tr., Philadelphia, 1950), especially Part I, "The Continuous Redemptive Line,
oLxovoiLOC," 33 ff. ADOLF VON HARNACK, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte (3rd
ed.; Freiburg and Leipzig, I894-97), I, 520 (Eng. tr., History of Dogma
(Boston, I903-07), 2, 243 f.). F. LOoFs, Leitfaden zum Studium der
Dogmengeschichte (4th ed.; Halle, I906), 98 ff., especially the discussion on
"Asia Minor theology". R. SEEBERG, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte (3rd ed.;
Leipzig, I922-23), I, 421 f., and 395 and 399 f. (Eng. tr., Textbook of the
History of Doctrines (Grand Rapids, I954), I23 f.). W. KOEHLER,
Dogmengeschichte als Geschichte des christlichen Selbstbewusstseins (2nd ed.;
Zurich and Leipzig, I943), I39, I43. M. WERNER, Die Entstehung des
christlichen Dogmas problemgeschichtlich dargestellt (2nd ed.; Bern and
Leipzig, I953), 34, 367, note 92, and 564, note 13.] Further, in this
heilsgeschichtlich type of thought, since oikonomia was brought into intimate
association with the covenants through which God is held to have worked out
his salvation, it became virtually interchangeable with the word "covenant"
itself, 8a60jx7. Again this use of oikonomia, for diatheke, has not escaped
the notice of patristic lexicographers.
因此oikonomia當被歸於今日的救恩歷史觀念的範疇中，有許多作者，例如Cullmann屬於
基督與時間的範疇，大部分的教義史作者，包括Harnack，Loofs，Seegerg，Walter
Koehler和Martin Werner，都建議這樣的公式。此外，在這種救恩歷史的觀念中，因著
oikonomia與聖約間有著非常密切的關係，神透過oikonomia來完成祂的救贖，它基本上也
與‘約’這個字的本身可以互換。此外，這種為了diatheke（希臘文的‘約’字——譯者
）使用oikonomia的方式並沒有逃過教父作品編纂學者的眼目。

PRESTIGE writes, "economy in such contexts [as those noted above] means
simply dispensation or covenant",[ Op. cit., p. 65.] and R. B. TOLLINTON, in
a study on Clement of Alexandria, observes that on many occasions diatheke
and oikonomia are hardly distinguishable in that father.[ R. B. TOLLINTON,
Clement of A lexandria: A Study in Christian Liberalism (London, 1914), 2,
205.] Oikonomia was thus a patristic term for Heilsgeschichte, intimately
associated with the covenants in salvation history. Such use of oikonomia for
God's redemptive arrangements or management of a salvation plan should
occasion no surprise, since oikonomia was employed in the first century world
about as commonly and with as many applications as our word "administration".
Prestige寫到，‘在那樣的背景下[同前述]，經綸（economy）的意思就是分賜（
diespensation）或約（covenant）’，R. B. Tollinto在研究亞曆山大的革利免的時候
，發現diatheke和oikonomia在許多地方幾乎無法被區分。Oikonomia是教父救恩歷史觀念
的伺候，在救恩歷史中與聖約緊緊相連。如此使用oikonomia來代表神救贖計畫的安排或
管理不應當令人感到驚訝，因為oikonomia在第一世紀中的使用是那麼的普遍，往往被當
做我們的“管理（adminstration）”這個字。

Nor should its use as an equivalent for diatheke, "covenant", "will", or
"testament", be unexpected either, though any exact reason for equation of
the two terms in the fathers has not been pointed out by patristic
investigators to date. From the company which oikonomia had been keeping in
Greek for the past two or three centuries, however, precisely this sort of
equation with diatheke follows naturally.[ I have analyzed many of the
numerous meanings for the word during this period in a doctoral dissertation,
"The Use of oikonomia and Related Terms in Greek Sources to about A.D. ioo,
as a Background for Patristic Applications", completed in May, I957, under
the direction of Dr MORTON S. ENSLIN at the University of Pennsylvania (657
pages; on microfilm, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, $ 8.35).
我在我的博士答辯過程中分析了這個字的好幾個意義，“oikonomia與相關辭彙在100AD希
臘文本中的使用法作為教父應用這個字的背景”，完成於1957年五月，在賓州大學Dr
Morton Enslin的指導之下(657 pages; on microfilm, University Microfilms, Ann
Arbor, Michigan, $ 8.35)。] The purpose of this note is to call attention to
a piece of evidence not previously reported on, a papyrus text of the late
second century A.D., where oikonomia is used directly for diatheke, and then
to offer some suggestions, on the basis of this linguistic evidence, with
regard to patristic, and perhaps New Testament, usage of the term.
我們不能將這個字等同於diatheke，“聖約（convenant）”，“旨意（will）”，或“
遺囑（testament）”，然而，一件不令人驚訝的事實是，教父神學的研究者們直到今日
仍然無法找到教父們把兩個字等同的其他原因。在過去兩三個世紀中用希臘文保留
oikonomia觀念的人群中，他們就是非常自然的將oikonomia等同於約。這個注解的目的乃
是要大家注意一個從不為人所知的線索，在一份二世紀後期的蒲草紙抄本中，oikonomia
直接被用作替代diatheke，在這個語言方面的證據之基礎上，產生了一些不同的見解，就
是關於教父，甚至新約使用這個辭彙的方式。

There is, first of all, the fact that oikonomia and related terms derived
from ocxovoliev, to "arrange" or "manage", were a part of the technical
jargon in political and commercial affairs of the Hellenistic and Roman
periods.[ E.g., Polyb. 4, 26, 6; 24, I, 7; I, 8, 3; W. DITTENBERGER, Orientis
Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipzig, I903-05), Number 322, lines I ff.
(Vol. I, p. 495), or 453, 19 (= CIG 2737a, 20).] The noun oikonomia could
refer to all sorts of legal arrangements, usually of an economic, financial
nature, and often under supervision of a governmental administrative agency.[
E.g., Polyb. io, i, 5; OGIS 267, 6 f.; W. DITTENBERGER, Sylloge Inscriptionum
Graecarum (2nd ed.; Leipzig, 1898-1901), 577, 9 f. (Vol. 2,  p. 72); further,
OGIS, 46, I3 ff., or I79, 7 ff.] Examples are almost too numerous to cite,
occurring in connection with tax collection, sale of land, purchase or rental
of property, census registration, and encumbrances on property.[ Cf. L.
MITTEIS and U. WILCKEN, Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyrzusurkunde
(Leipzig and Berlin, I912), 2, I, 73, note 4. E.g., PTeb. I, 8, 28; 30, I8;
31, I8; PLondon 1164, 7; 904, 25; PRainer 64, 22.] Hence the general
definition, "any legal step or arrangement", "every measure with legally
binding effect", offered for oikonomia by PREISIGKE'S dictionary for
technical terms in the papyri concerning public administration in
Ptolemaic-Roman Egypt, is quite correct.[ F. PREISIGKE, Fachworter des
6ffentlichen Verwaltungsdienstes Agyptens in den griechischen Papyrusurkunden
der ptolemdisch-romischen Zeit (Gottingen, I915), p. 132.]
也就是說，首先，oikonomia事實上是ocxovoliev的延伸字，意思是“安排（arrange）”
或“管理（mange）”，它是一個希臘和羅馬時期政治與經濟事務中所使用的技術性辭彙
。Oikonomia這個名詞可以被用來指明所有的法律上的安排，通常具有一種經濟性或財務
性的性質，往往被置於一個政府的管理機構之下。它的例子數不勝數，包括收稅，買賣徒
弟，購買或出租房產，統計註冊，和房產的管理。因此，一般的定義乃是“任何法律的步
奏或安排”，“與法律有關的一切新聞：，Preisigek字典提供關於oikonomia的意義乃是
，一個蒲草紙上的技術性辭彙，往往與托勒密-羅馬時代埃及的管理有關，這個定義是相
當正確的。

It is next to be observed that oikonomia was sometimes applied not just to
the legal arrangement but also to the document itself recording its terms,
the "stipulated agreement or record", PREISIGKE puts it; "contract", "legal
instrument", or "deed" all are possible renderings at times.[ Ibid., meaning
Number 2. Cf. H. G. LIDDELL and R. SCOTT, Greek- English Lexicon (9th ed.,
revised by H. STUART JONES and R. MCKENZIE; Oxford, 1925-40), sub voce
olxovooLoc. Examples: POxy. 12, 1474, 7; BGU  301, I4 f.; PMich. 5, 276, II,
27, and 35; 3, i86, II; 2, 121, recto II, IX, 3.]
我們接下來要注意oikonomia有時候不僅僅被當做法律性的安排，也被當做記錄檔本身的
條文，‘合同規定的條文或記錄（stipulated agreement or record）’，這是
Preisigke的說法；“合同（contract）”，“法律性指引（legal instrument）”，或
”契約（deed）”在當時都是可能的意思。

Almost inevitably, therefore, the terms under consideration appeared in wills
or testaments. A third century B.C. papyrus uses the phrase, "It would be my
right to administer my own affairs (or "make legal arrangements", TO roCUiToo
LxovoPIZV）while I am healthy".[ The Flinders Petrie Papyri (Dublin,
I89I-I905), I, i8, I, 8.] RAPHAEL TAUBENSCHLAG, in his study on The Law of
Graeco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri, 332 B.C.-64o A.D., records the
general use of the noun oikonomia from the first century B.C. on in the sense
of "agreement", and notes that it was employed alongside such other terms as
cuv0AXXocyatau,y ypacp, and aUVOB~x.[ New York: Herald Square Press, Inc.,
I944, P. 224.] Unfortunately he does not pursue use of oikonomia for this
last term, auvOqx%, "compact" or "covenant", let alone the related noun
8LocaxY, "will" or "covenant".
這個字幾乎不看避免的被當做旨意或遺囑。一份第三世紀的蒲草紙使用了這句話，“當我
仍然健康的時候，我擁有處理個人事務的權力（或作出法律上的安排）”。Raphael
Taubenschlag在Papyri的指導下研究希臘-羅馬時代的埃及法律，332 B.C.-64o A.D.，記
載了第一個世紀普遍把oikonomia這個名詞當做“協議（agreement）”的意思，並注釋到
，它往往與cuv0AXXocyatau，y ypacp和aUVOB~x一同使用。不幸的是，他並沒有繼續探討
oikonomia根據auvOqx%，“條約（compact）”或“約定（convenant）”這方面的用法，
更別說與名詞8LocaxY，“旨意（will）”或“約定（covenant）”相關的用法了。

A papyrus text, however, which specifically uses oikonomia for the last will
and testament (LaocxT) of a Roman citizen occurs in an account of legal cases
heard by a strategos in the Faiyum, Egypt. Dated May 26, A.D. 184, it is
printed in the collection Agyptische Urkunden aus den k6niglichen Museen zu
Berlin, Griechische Urkunden, Number 321, Column II, line io, through III,
20, after which the lines are broken and unintellegible.[ Berlin, I892- . In
addition to the obvious necessary corrections made by the editor, FR. KREBS,
two conjectural readings are made by WILCKEN in BGU, Vol. I, p. 359. The text
and my own translation follow.
Berlin，1892 - 除了編者FR Krebs指出明確需要改正的地方外，Wukcken在BGU，Vol.1，
pg.359中提出兩種可能的讀法。下麵是其本文以及我的翻譯。
（從略）] The actual use of o[xovofic for laO0x] occurs at Column III, line 2.
然而，專門在一位羅馬公民遺囑中（LaocxT）使用oikonomia這個字的蒲草紙本文，他的
法律案件是有埃及的軍事長官Faiyum所處理，日期是主後184年五月26日，被刊印在
Agyptische Urkunden aus den k6niglichen Museen zu Berlin, Griechische
Urkunden, Number 321, Column II, line io, through III, 20中，前面的句子是破碎
無法整理。Oikonomia出現在Column III, line 2。

The case, "out of the records of Apollonios, magistrate of the section of
Herakleidos", deals with a dispute over whether a will (8oa06Yx7th, e term
occurs at least six times in the incomplete papyrus) which is being presented
for probate is genuine or not. While some of the details of the situation are
uncertain, due to brevity and the fragmentary text, it appears that one
Kasios claims to have received a will from a kinsman who was about to die.
Subsequent difficulty over putting into effect this will of the deceased
which Kasios presents has brought the case before the strategos.
“從Apollonios，Herakleidos區域長官的記錄”中摘錄的案件，處理了一個關於遺囑（
8oa06Yx7th，這個字在整份蒲草紙文獻中出現了6次）的爭議，就是要驗證遺囑的真實性
。因著本文的簡略性與殘破性，有些細節是不明確地，但是似乎一位名叫Kasios的人士宣
稱從一位將要死亡的親屬得到了遺囑。Kasios執行這個遺囑過程中遇見的阻力使得他把這
個案件帶到當地的軍事長官前。

Part of the controversy centers around the seals of the seven witnesses
required for a will by Roman law, a detail found in the Praetorian testament
of the Republican period and reported by most handbooks, according to which
the will had to be sealed seven times in order to be authenticated, and
according to which, further, the will could not be carried into effect until
all seven seals were loosed.[ W. SMITH, W. WAYTE, and G. E. MARTIN, A
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (3rd ed.; London, I891), 2, 803 f.
H. J. ROBY, Roman Private Law in the Times of Cicero and of the Antonines
(Cambridge, I902), I, 255, note 2. W. W. BUCKLAND, The Main Institutions of
Roman Private Law (Cambridge, 1931), I84 f.] Apparently in the case under
consideration, only four of these seven witnesses who had sealed the document
which Kasios had were able to appear at the hearing before the strategos,
plus the notary who had originally written the will. The opponents of Kasios
dispute the authenticity of the document being presented, cast doubt on
whether Kasios got it from the deceased, and question even whether the two
men were kinsmen.
這個爭辯部分圍繞著羅馬法律要求七個見證人的印章，這是一個見於共和國事情的安民官
的見證並大部分的手冊，根據這個鬼扯，一個遺囑必須要被蓋印七次才是真實的遺囑，進
一步根據這個規定，在七個印都被打開前不能執行遺囑。看起來在這個案子中，只有七個
見證人中的四個在Kasios的檔上蓋印的人能夠出席軍事長官的聽證會，在加上原來撰寫遺
囑的書記官。Kasios的對手對於這個檔的真實性提出異議，懷疑Kasios是從死人手中的道
的，並質疑其中的兩個蓋印者甚至是親戚。

The important phrase with which we are concerned comes when the counsel for
Kasios notes that of the witnesses who placed their seals on his client's
document, "four of them are present, and in addition also the lawyer who
wrote the document" (or "legal agreement", 7rr7pL7[tLv]E c(cUT&T,vc
cracapse,e Tn 8 xOi 6 voLIxoq 4T 6 V oixovoiuav ypaacxq, Col. III, lines
I-2). Application of the term "document" (oLxovopzia) here to a will is
unmistakable, not only from the total context, but also because the noun
a8LtcCOoXc curs in the next line, in the preceding sentence, and in the next
paragraph in the reply of an opposing orator. Thus quite clearly in the year
A.D. 184, and presumably for sometime before, the noun oikonomia, long
applied to legal arrangements of all sorts, was used specifically for a
diatheke, the last will and testament of a Roman citizen, the covenant sealed
with seven seals disposing of his property. From this example it would appear
that Christian usage of oikonomia for a covenant or will, diatheke, was, here
as elsewhere, following already established secular application, a legal or
at least popular meaning for the term, documented in the second century.
While no earlier examples can now be cited where oikonomia demands the
specific translation "will" or "covenant", it is not impossible that the
application was made far earlier, judging from the varied ways in which the
term is employed in the papyri of the period.
我們在此注意的一段話是當Kasios指出那些在他的客戶的檔上蓋印的，“有四個人出席，
再加上撰寫檔的律師”（或“法律契約”）。“檔（oLxovopzia）”這個字在此的使用法
是毋庸置疑的，就是指整個的文獻，但是也因為a8LtcCOoXc這個名詞出現在下一行隨後的
句子中，並在下一段用來回應一位持反對意見的演說者的文字中。非常明顯的，就是在
A.D.184的時候，或者在其之前的某個時候，oikonomia這個往往被用來代表各種法律合約
的名詞被特別的當做diatheke，羅馬公民的最後期望或遺囑，用七個印的約來處理他的財
產。根據這個例子，基督徒使用oikonomia這個字來作為約或意願，diatheke，不論在此
處或在其他的地方，都有一個明確的使用方式，就是在法律上的，或最起碼在通用的意義
上使用這個詞，被記錄在二世紀的文獻上。在二世紀之前沒有更早的關於將oikonomia刻
意翻譯為“旨意（will）”或“約（covenant）”的例子，但是，根據該時期蒲草紙使用
這個詞的不同方式，並不是不可能有更早如此使用的例子。

At the least, it is certain, oikonomia was being used for diatheke in
every-day Greek at precisely the time Irenaeus was employing oikonomiato
refer to the covenants (Laoc0xaLt)e, staments or legal arrangements in a
will, by God or Christ, to distribute goods to men. Theological terminology
followed existing secular usage. We may also speculate that, while, it is
true, the covenant concept in the fathers was not always free from legalistic
character, nonetheless a theologian like Irenaeus may have preferred
oikonomia to diatheke at times, precisely because it was a more general term
of wider associations in secular use, without the specifically legal
connotations of diatheke.[ Some of these wider associations of oikonomia are
documented in my dissertation (supra, p. 284, note 3), 306 ff., but almost
any lexicon gives some idea of the bewildering variety of meanings for the
term.
我的論文中收錄了那些與oikonomia有關的，更為廣泛的案例(supra, p. 284, note 3),
306 ff.，然而幾乎所有的詞典都能夠為這個詞的不同意義提供某些令人困惑的材料。]
在日常希臘文中，oikonomia最起碼，也是肯定被當做diatheke，這正是愛任紐將
oikonmiato當做約（Laoc0xaLt），宣告或基神或基督在遺囑中法律的安排，好吧財務分
發給人類的時期。神學的名詞都會採用當時世俗的使用方法。我們也懷疑，是否教父們對
於聖約的觀念總是受到法律特徵的約束，以至於當時像愛任紐這樣的神學家寧願使用
oikonomia替代diatheke，正是因為這是一個符合世俗使用方式常見的伺候，並不會含有
diatheke特有的法律內涵。

Beyond this, allowing the possibility that oikonomia may have been used much
earlier, in its wide range of first century associations, to refer to a
diatheke and that it is a mere statistical accident that we lack a text to
date demonstrating this equation, we then open the way toward seeing new
connotations for this term in Christian use. Through this link (oikonomia =
covenant), the theme of a divine plan of salvation or economy of God,
increasingly important from Ephesians on, perhaps as a substitute for earlier
central themes like the Kingdom of God, which, however, were subject to
misunderstanding in the gentile world,[ The cxCaLXeLTa OU50 so which Jesus
comes preaching means, of course, the reign or rule or kingship of God,
rather than any sort of kingdom in the geographical sense of the word. It is
the Old Testament theme, "Yahweh reigns", now conceived of as breaking
through in the last times, heralded and ushered in by the person of Jesus
(cf. Mark i I4-I5). It is well known that this emphasis on the Kingdom of God
(or Kingdom of Heaven, Matthew) is common in the Synoptics, but is less
frequent in Paul (where the stress is on the Lxatoouvv o TOU0 Oo5 and other
themes), is reinterpreted in John along lines of eternal life ([oq), and
crops up in the creeds of the early church in the formula, "Jesus Christ is
Lord" ('Ibsoi5q XpLaTo6 x6pLOv). Thus the phrase "Kingdom of God" certainly
becomes more peripheral in later New Testament writings and in the fathers as
compared with the Synoptic Gospels, though it is a mistake to suppose the
term and concept were lost entirely; cf. K. L. SCHMIDT, paaLXeia (Toi Oeo5)
in der alten Kirche", in G. KITTELT, heologischesW orterbuchz umNeuen
Testament (Stuttgart, I933- ), I, 593-95; R. FRICK, Die Geschichte des
Reich-Gottes-Gedankens in der alten Kirche bis zum Origenes und Augustin
(Giessen, 1928); and G. W. H. LAMPE, "Some Notes on the Significance of
BAZIAEIA TOY OEOY, BAJIAEIA XPIETOY in the Greek Fathers", The Journal of
Theological Studies, 48 (1948), 58-73. Origen, interestingly, in a comment on
Luke iv 5, uses olxovoLocfao r xaoCiXLoHc,o mily on Luke 30 (GCS 35 (Origenes
9), I84, I9).
耶穌教導的cxCaLXeLTa OU50意思當然就是神的王的管轄與全部，而不是任何一種具有地
理意義的國度。在舊約的背景中，“雅威掌權”，如今被認為是在末世由耶穌的位格作為
先鋒並服侍出來的一個事實（參考馬可一14-15）。我們知道對觀福音都很強大神的國（
或天國，馬太），但是保羅的書信就不會這麼強調（保羅的書信強調的是Lxatoouvv o
TOU0 Oo5，並其他的主題），約翰則根據永遠生命（[oq）的線加以重新詮釋，“耶穌基
督是主（'Ibsoi5q XpLaTo6 x6pLOv）”成為早期教會信經對於這個題目的總結。因此“
神的國度（Kingdom of God）”這個詞在新約後期的作品中並相較於對觀福音的教父作品
中就逐漸成為次要的主題，雖然認為這個辭彙與觀念完全喪失也是錯誤的；參考K. L.
SCHMIDT, paaLXeia (Toi Oeo5) in der alten Kirche", in G. KITTELT,
heologischesW orterbuchz umNeuen Testament (Stuttgart, I933- ), I, 593-95; R.
FRICK, Die Geschichte des Reich-Gottes-Gedankens in der alten Kirche bis zum
Origenes und Augustin (Giessen, 1928); and G. W. H. LAMPE, "Some Notes on the
Significance of BAZIAEIA TOY OEOY, BAJIAEIA XPIETOY in the Greek Fathers",
The Journal of Theological Studies, 48 (1948), 58-73. Origen, interestingly,
in a comment on Luke iv 5, uses olxovoLocfao r xaoCiXLoHc,o mily on Luke 30
(GCS 35 (Origenes 9), I84, I9).
It is obvious why the Kingdom of God theme, so central in Jesus' teachings
according to the Synoptics, might be reinterpreted along other lines in later
writers, in addition to the matter of comprehensibility, which a shift from
Palestine, with its Old Testament, Hebraistic background of the reign of
Yahweh, it was necessary to avoid the political subversive tag which
street-preaching about a (asXoiaTc' oi0 roi in the Graeco-Roman world would
have brought on the young church even more often than did occur. There is
enough similarity between the pccaLXCiTao i 0ou5 and oLxovo.dTzO c0 65O
motifs to warrant further investigation of the subject.
根據對觀福音，神的國明顯在耶穌的教導中居於核心的地位，之後的作者可以根據其他的
思路重新詮釋這個主題，再加上為了更顯明易懂的緣故，這就導致從巴勒斯坦以及其舊約
，雅威掌權的希伯來背景轉移出去，為了避免年輕的教會在希臘—羅馬世界的大街小巷中
傳揚福音的時候被打上一種帶有政治性顛覆的標籤，這種轉移是必要的。pccaLXCiTao i
0ou5與oLxovo.dTzO c0 65O這兩個主題間有足夠的相似性以保證對這個題目的進一步研究
。] is brought into a closer relationship with the covenant theology of the
Old Testament and of Paul. Oikonomia, a patristic term for Heilsgeschichte,
was thus able to convey much of the covenant idea in biblical thought, plus
more besides, including the whole Stoic conception of a divine administration
or rule of God in the universe.[ On olxovouLoca s the divine economy in the
universe according to Stoicism, see already the evidence cited in H. A.
DANIEL, Tatianus der Apologet: Ein Beitrag zum Dogmengeschichte (Halle,
1837). Curiously, the fourfold analysis of classical meanings for oikonomia
given by T. L. VERHOEVEN, Studien over Tertullianus' Adversus Praxean
(Amsterdam, 1948) does not list this, though at times VERHOEVEN indicates an
awareness of the meaning for the word, e.g., II8, I23, I36. Numerous examples
occur in the Stoic fragments edited by J. VON ARNIM, Stoicorum Veterum
Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1905-24), e.g., 2, 273, 28 (frag. 945); 2, 269, 4 (frag.
937); 2, 338, 9 (frag. 1176). K. L. SCHMIDT (supra, p. 289, note 2), I, 595,
even suggests that the apologists and Clement of Alexandria understood the
Kingdom on the basis of Stoic definitions.
關於斯多亞主義論olxovouLoca，宇宙中的神聖經綸，參考H. A. DANIEL, Tatianus der
Apologet: Ein Beitrag zum Dogmengeschichte (Halle, 1837)。奇怪的是，T. L.
VERHOEVEN針對特土良的Adversus Praxean 中oikonomia經典四重含義的分析
(Amsterdam, 1948)並沒有列出這本書，雖然VERHOEVEN往往指出要注意這個字的意思，例
如： II8, I23, I36。J. VON ARNIM所編撰的斯多亞拍的殘篇,Stoicorum Veterum
Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1905-24)有許多的例子，例如：2, 273, 28 (frag. 945); 2,
269, 4 (frag. 937); 2, 338, 9 (frag. 1176)。K. L. SCHMIDT (supra, p. 289,
note 2), I, 595,甚至認為亞曆山大的革利免根據斯多亞派的定義來理解神的國度。]
Another detail is also worth considering with regard to the flexibility of
meanings which this word possessed: the fact that in every-day Greek,
oikonomia could mean a written will or covenant, a document, perhaps
encouraged application of the term diatheke to the scriptures, a usage found
as early as Melito of Sardis, for the documents recording the divine
economy.[ Cf. Euseb. Ecc. Hist. 4, 26, 13 and Iren. Adv. Haer. 4, 26, 2.]
此外，oikonomia在更早的時期中被使用的可能性使得它在第一個世紀有一個更為廣泛的
使用空間，被用來當做diatheke，但這只是一個統計學上的猜測，因為我們缺乏方式的文
本來證明這個公式，我們接下來看見這個詞在基督教用法中的新含義。透過這個鏈接（
oikonomia=聖約），神的救贖計畫或神的經綸（Economy of God）從以弗所書後就變得越
來越重要，或者成為早期例如神的國度這種中心主題的替代，而神的國度往往被外邦人誤
解，但卻與舊約與保羅思想中的聖約神學間有一種更為緊密的關係。Oikonmia這個從希臘
—羅馬文化中借用的教父辭彙能夠傳達大部分聖經思想中聖約的觀念，除此之外，它也包
括了整個斯多亞（Stoic）學派關於神在宇宙中神聖的管理或管制的觀念。另一個值得我
們注意的細節乃是關於這個字所具有的豐富含義：事實上，在每日的希臘文中，oikonmia
可以被當做寫下的遺囑或約，一個檔，或許被鼓勵用來當做經文中的diatheke，這個用法
可以在Sardis的Melito的作品中看見，用來記載神的經綸。

One final observation. In the papyrus passage, the oikonomia or diatheke was
a will fastened with seven seals, following Roman custom. The detail
immediately suggests the scroll with seven seals mentioned at Rev. v.[ Rev. v
I: ptLXiov yeypo0CP1.vov 'acoO6v xcal 0nlaO6v, xaToc'rEpaylCpvov acppacy'oav
T:rro.] That scroll has to do with God's will for the last times, and can be
put into effect only by the true witness, Jesus Christ, who alone is worthy
to break its seals. In the Apocalypse, as he opens each seal, some portentous
event takes place, having to do with the denouement of God's scheme for the
world and men.
一件最後當注意的事。Oikonomia或diatheke在蒲草紙中代表一種用七重印章嚴封的遺囑
，這是根據羅馬的習俗。這個細節立刻讓人想起啟示錄提到被七印封閉的書卷。那個書卷
與神在末世的旨意有關，只有真正的見證人——耶穌基督能夠讓它生效，祂也是唯一配得
開啟那個書卷的人。在啟示錄中，祂打開了每一個印，其中末世性的預兆與神對於世界與
人類之結局的旨意有關。

Several. commentators, including JOHANNES WEISS, SELWYN, ZAHN, MOFFATT,
BOUSSET, and LOHMEYER, note a parallel between Rev. v and this Roman legal
custom, R. H. CHARLES writing that the book with the seven seals "represents
a Will or Testament relating to the Old and New Testament Covenant".[ The
Revelation of St. John (New York, I920), I, 137 f. Cf. The Expositor's Greek
Testament (Grand Rapids, 1951), 5, 383; W. BOUSSET, Die Offenbarung Johannis
(G6ttingen, I906), 255, note i; and E. LOHMEYER, Die Offenbarung des Johannes
(Tiibingen, 1926), 50.] The book with the seven seals is thus a device to
dramatize the disposition or will of God for the last times, which Christ
puts into effect. There is thus a combination of Heilsgeschichte and
eschatology.
有些聖經詮釋者，包括JOHANNES WEISS, SELWYN, ZAHN, MOFFATT, BOUSSET,和LOHMEYER
都注意到啟示錄五章與這個羅馬習俗間的關係，R.H. Charles寫到那用七印嚴封的書卷“
代表了與舊約與新約聖約有關的旨意或遺囑”。帶著七印的書卷因此是一個在末世將神的
安排與旨意戲劇化的一個載體，由基督啟動。因此，那是一個結合救贖歷史和末世論的圖
畫。

It has been shown that in later secular Greek use oikonomia was employed for
just such a testament with seven seals. John the seer does not, of course,
apply this word oikonomia to the scroll he describes with details which
normally fit a Roman will or testament. But later writers among the fathers
would have known this secular Greek use and could therefore the more readily
employ the word oikonomia for a diatheke from God in redemptive history,
implying at the same time from this general background that God's oikonomia
also includes his plan for the last times; eschatology too is seen within the
covenant framework of Heilsgeschichte. Strikingly, Irenaeus who emphasizes a
covenant theology and heilsgeschichtlich view of history also stresses
eschatology, and hangs on to some of the primitive emphases of the
Apocalypse, like the millenium.[ CULLMANN, op. cit., pp. 65 ff., sees an
affinity between an oikonomia type of theology and apocalyptic. Cf. also E.
DINKLER, "Earliest Christianity", in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near
East (American Oriental Series, 38; New Haven, 1955), I97 ff.]
Heilsgeschichte, covenant theology, and eschatology fit a pattern, all
related in one way or another with the term oikonomia. Secular application of
this term to a testament with seven seals thus suggests that in patristic
passages where oikonomia may be employed for a covenant or covenanted
dispensation of grace, one may look for legalistic or eschatological
connotations at times, as well as the usual heilsgeschichtlich ones.
後世世俗希臘文的使用方式表明oikonomia被僅僅用於帶著七個印的遺囑。看見異象的約
翰當然沒有使用合乎羅馬習俗的方式，把oikonomia這個字用來描述他看見書書卷。然而
後世的教父們都知道這個世俗希臘文的用法，並將oikonomia這個字在救恩歷史中，當做
從神來的diatheke，同時暗示這神的oikonmia也包括祂在末日之計畫的背景；末世論也被
視為在救恩歷史中聖約的框架之中。嚴格的說，強調聖約神學和救恩歷史觀的愛任紐強調
末世論，依賴原始的方式來強調啟示錄，例如千禧年。救恩歷史，聖約攝像與末世論都符
合一種模式，就是都以某種方式與oikonomia有關。世俗使用這個詞代表帶有七個印的遺
囑之方式建議在教父著作中，oikonmia可能被用來代表一個契約或契約性恩典的分賜（
convenanted dispensation of grace），學者或許當進一步研究當時的法律與末世論，
以及救恩歷史內涵。

How much of all this is to be applied to New Testament uses of the word will
depend, of course, upon discovery of earlier examples of the equation between
oixovotia and 8La0Ox'], and also upon just what is made of the date and
authorship of Ephesians, whose gifted writer put patristic Christianity on
the trail of one of its most important themes, the economy of God.
當然，對於早期教會使用oixovotia和8La0Ox']範例，以及以弗所書的日期和作者的研究
決定了新約如何使用oikonomia這個詞，那位富有天賦的作者將教父時期的基督教置於其
最重要的一個主題——神的經綸（the economy of God）之上。

--
※ 發信站: 批踢踢實業坊(ptt.cc), 來自: 202.184.144.224 (馬來西亞)
※ 文章網址: https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Christianity/M.1669869931.A.24E.html
推 kazukazu22: 也太猛
推 kazukazu22: 用來這兩個最初是一樣的意思
推 kazukazu22: 也解釋了七印的歷史背景
推 kazukazu22: 我懂一部分了
→ kazukazu22: 為了避免國度帶有的政治意涵，教父們不得不用雙關
→ kazukazu22: 語，導致我們今
→ kazukazu22: 天分成兩個集團對立，其實這兩者指的是同一件事。
→ Viviak: 聽你們鬼扯
→ Viviak: 舊約已立  婚禮還沒到  新約都還沒正式立呢