[資訊] 中國非美國經濟問題的根源，公司貪婪才是

[kwei (光影)]

China is not the source of our economic problems -- corporate greed is
(中國不是我們(美國)經濟問題的根源---公司的貪婪才是)

來源：CNN
https://tinyurl.com/y3wdp63n

Jeffrey Sachs
哥倫比亞大學經濟學教授

China is not an enemy. It is a nation trying to raise its living standards
through education, international trade, infrastructure investment, and
improved technologies. In short, it is doing what any country should do when
confronted with the historical reality of being poor and far behind more
powerful countries. Yet the Trump administration is now aiming to stop
China's development, which could prove to be disastrous for both the United
States and the entire world.

(中國不是敵人。它是一個試圖通過教育，國際貿易，基礎設施投資和改進技術來提高生
活水平的國家。簡而言之，它正在做的，是任何國家在面對貧窮和遠遠落後於更強大國家
的歷史現實時應該做的事情。然而，川普政府現在的目標是阻止中國的發展，這可能對美
國和整個世界都是災難性的。)

China is being made a scapegoat for rising inequality in the United States.
While US trade relations with China have been mutually beneficial over the
years, some US workers have been left behind, notably Midwestern factory
workers facing competition due to rising productivity and comparatively low
(though rising) labor costs in China. Instead of blaming China for this
normal phenomenon of market competition, we should be taxing the soaring
corporate profits of our own multinational corporations and using the
revenues to help working-class households, rebuild crumbling infrastructure,
promote new job skills and invest in cutting-edge science and technology.

(中國正在成為美國國內不平等現象加劇的替罪羊。雖然多年來美國與中國的貿易關係互
惠互利，但一些美國工人卻被拋在後面，特別是中西部的工廠工人因中國的生產力提高和
勞動力成本相對較低（儘管上升中）而正面臨競爭。我們不應該將這種正常的市場競爭現
象歸咎於中國，而應該對我們自己的跨國公司飆升的企業利潤徵稅，並利用這些錢來幫助
工薪階層家庭，重建搖搖欲墜的基礎設施，提升新的工作技能，並投資於前沿科學和技術
。)

We should understand that China is merely trying to make up for lost time
after a very long period of geopolitical setbacks and related economic
failures. Here is important historical background that is useful to
understand China's economic development in the past 40 years.

(我們應該明白，在長期的地緣政治挫折和與此相關的經濟失敗之後，中國祇是在努力彌
補失去的時期。這是重要的歷史背景，有助於了解中國過去40年的經濟發展。)

In 1839, Britain attacked China because it refused to allow British traders
to continue providing Chinese people with addictive opium. Britain prevailed,
and the humiliation of China's defeat in the First Opium War, ending in 1842,
contributed in part to a mass uprising against the Qing Dynasty called the
Taiping Rebellion that ended up causing more than 20 million deaths. A Second
Opium War against Britain and France ultimately led to the continued erosion
of China's power and internal stability.

(1839年，英國向中國發動戰爭，因為中國拒絕英國商人繼續向中國人提供成癮的鴉片。
1842年，英國贏得了第一次鴉片戰爭，中國失敗的恥辱，部分導致了反對清朝的大規模起
義，稱為太平天國起義，最終導致超過2000萬人死亡。第二次針對英國和法國的鴉片戰爭
最終導致中國的力量和內部穩定持續受到侵蝕。)

Toward the end of the 19th century, China lost a war to the newly
industrializing Japan, and was subjected to yet more one-sided demands by
Europe and the United States for trade. These humiliations led to another
rebellion, followed by yet another defeat, at the hands of foreign powers.

(到了19世紀末，中國對新興工業化的日本輸掉了一場戰爭，並受到歐洲和美國對貿易更
多的單方面要求。這些羞辱導致了另一場叛亂，這次起義在外國軍事力量的協助下被再次
鎮壓了。)

China's Qing Dynasty fell in 1911, after which China quickly succumbed to
warlords, internal strife and Japan's invasion of China beginning in 1931.
The end of World War II was followed by civil war, the creation of the
People's Republic of China in 1949 and then the upheavals of Maoism,
including millions of deaths from famine in the Great Leap Forward, which
ended in the early 1960s, and the mass destabilization of the Cultural
Revolution and its aftermath until 1977.

(中國清王朝於1911年垮台，此後中國迅速進入了軍閥混戰的時代，內亂不斷。1931年，
日本入侵中國。第二次世界大戰結束後，中國進入內戰。1949年，中華人民共和國成立，
然後是毛澤東主義的動盪，包括1960年代初期大躍進中數百萬人因飢荒而死亡，以及文化
大革命的動盪，餘波直至1977年方休。)

China's rapid development on a market basis therefore started only in 1978,
when Deng Xiaoping came to power and launched sweeping economic reforms.
While China has seen incredible growth in the past four decades, the legacy
of more than a century of poverty, instability, invasion and foreign threats
still looms large. Chinese leaders would like to get things right this time,
and that means they are unwilling to bow to the United States or other
Western powers again.

(因此，中國在以市場為基礎的快速發展始於1978年，當時鄧小平上台並開展了全面的經
濟改革。雖然中國在過去四十年中取得了令人難以置信的增長，但一個多世紀以來的貧困
，社會動盪，外敵入侵和外國威脅的歷史遺緒影響仍然很大。這次中國領導人希望把事情
做對，這意味著他們不願再次向美國或其他西方國家屈服。)

China is now the second-largest economy in the world, when GDP is measured at
market prices. Yet it is a country still in the process of catching up from
poverty. In 1980, according to IMF data, China's GDP per capita was a mere
2.5% of the United States, and by 2018 had reached only 15.3% of the US
level. When GDP is measured in purchasing-power-parity terms, by using a
common set of "international prices" to value GDP in all countries, China's
income per capita in 2018 was a bit higher at 28.9% of the United States.

(以按市場價格衡量的GDP來說，中國現在是世界第二大經濟體。然而，它仍然是一個處於
脫離貧困過程的國家。根據國際貨幣基金組織的數據，1980年時中國的人均GDP僅為美國
的2.5％，到2018年僅達到美國的15.3％。然而以購買力平價計算國內生產總值時(通過使
用一套共同的“國際價格”來衡量所有國家的國內生產總值)，中國2018年的人均收入略
高於美國的28.9％。)

China has roughly followed the same development strategy as Japan, Korea,
Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore before it. From an economic standpoint, it is
not doing anything particularly unusual for a country that is playing catch
up. The constant US refrain that China "steals" technologies is highly
simplistic.

(中國大致遵循與日本，韓國，台灣，香港和新加坡相同的發展戰略。從經濟的角度來看
，對於一個正在追趕的國家來說，中國並沒有做任何特別不尋常的事情。美國不斷阻止中
國“竊取”技術，是把問題簡化了。)

Countries that are lagging behind upgrade their technologies in many ways,
through study, imitation, purchases, mergers, foreign investments, extensive
use of off-patent knowledge and, yes, copying. And with any fast-changing
technologies, there are always running battles over intellectual property.
That's true even among US companies today -- this kind of competition is
simply a part of the global economic system. Technology leaders know they
shouldn't count on keeping their lead through protection, but through
continued innovation.

(落後的國家能夠通過多種方式實現技術升級，包括學習，模仿，購買，兼併，對外投資
，廣泛使用非專利知識，以及，是的，竊取知識產權。在任何快速變化的技術領域，知識
產權上的戰鬥總是不斷進行著。即使在今天的美國公司中也是如此 ，這種競爭只是全球
經濟體系的一部分。技術領導者知道他們不應該指望靠保護來保持領先地位，而是應該不
斷創新。)

The United States relentlessly adopted British technologies in the early 19th
century. And when any country wants to close a technology gap, it recruits
know-how from abroad. The US ballistic missile program, as it is well known,
was built with the help of former Nazi rocket scientists recruited to the
United States after World War II.

(美國在19世紀初時曾努力不懈地採用了英國的技術。當任何一個國家希望縮小技術差距
時，它會從國外引進專有技術。眾所周知，美國的彈道導彈計劃是在第二次世界大戰後招
募來的前納粹火箭科學家的幫助下建造的。)

If China were a less populous Asian country, say like South Korea, with a
little more than 50 million people, it would simply be hailed by the United
States as a great development success story -- which it is. But because it is
so big, China refutes America's pretensions to run the world. The United
States, after all, is a mere 4.2% of the world's population, less than a
fourth of China's. The truth is that neither country is in a position to
dominate the world today, as technologies and know-how are spreading more
quickly across the globe than ever before.

(如果說中國是一個人口較少的亞洲國家，比如像韓國，只有5000多萬人，那麼美國就會
把它譽為一個偉大的發展成功故事 ----的確也是。但由於它如此之大，中國拒絕承認美
國擁有主導世界的特權。畢竟，美國僅佔世界人口的4.2％，不到中國的四分之一。事實
是，由於技術和專門知識在全球範圍內的傳播速度比以往任何時候都快，因此這兩個國家
都無法單獨主宰當今世界。)

Trade with China provides the United States with low-cost consumer goods and
increasingly high-quality products. It also causes job losses in sectors such
as manufacturing that compete directly with China. That is how trade works.
To accuse China of unfairness in this is wrong -- plenty of American
companies have reaped the benefits of manufacturing in China or exporting
goods there. And US consumers enjoy higher living standards as a result of
China's low-cost goods. The US and China should continue to negotiate and
develop improved rules for bilateral and multilateral trade instead of
stoking a trade war with one-sided threats and over-the-top accusations.

(與中國的貿易為美國提供了低成本的消費品和越來越高質量的產品。它還會導致與中國
直接競爭的製造業等部門的失業。這就是貿易運行的方式。在這種情況下指責中國不公平
是錯誤的。 許多美國公司已經從中國製造或中國出口中獲益。由於中國的低成本商品，
美國消費者享有更高的生活水平。美國和中國應該繼續進行協商，並改進雙邊和多邊貿易
的規則，而不是用片面的威脅和過分的指責來挑起貿易戰。)

The most basic lesson of trade theory, practice and policy is not to stop
trade -- which would lead to falling living standards, economic crisis and
conflict. Instead, we should share the benefits of economic growth so that
the winners who benefit compensate the losers.

(國際貿易理論的最基本原則是，貿易行為和貿易政策不應阻止貿易活動的進行。這將導
致生活水平下降，經濟危機和衝突。相反，我們應該分享經濟增長帶來的好處，這樣由此
得利的贏家就可以補償輸家。)

Yet under American capitalism, which has long strayed from the cooperative
spirit of the New Deal era, today's winners flat-out reject sharing their
winnings. As a result of this lack of sharing, American politics are fraught
with conflicts over trade. Greed comprehensively dominates Washington
policies.

(然而，美國資本主義早已偏離長期偏離羅斯福新政提倡的合作精神。今天的贏家拒絕分
享他們的勝利果實。由於缺乏分享，美國政治在貿易問題上才如此矛盾重重。貪婪全面支
配著華盛頓的政策。)

The real battle is not with China but with America's own giant companies,
many of which are raking in fortunes while failing to pay their own workers
decent wages. America's business leaders and the mega-rich push for tax cuts,
more monopoly power and offshoring -- anything to make a bigger profit --
while rejecting any policies to make American society fairer.

(真正的戰鬥不是與中國，而是與美國自己的巨型公司。其中許多公司正在賺取大量利潤
，卻沒有讓自己的員工獲得體面的工資。美國的商業領袖和超級富豪推動減稅，擴大壟斷
，和離岸外包---總之任何可以獲得更大利潤的東西 ---然而卻拒絕任何使美國社會更公
平的政策。)

Trump is lashing out against China, ostensibly believing that it will once
again bow to a Western power. It is willfully trying to crush successful
companies like Huawei by changing the rules of international trade abruptly
and unilaterally. China has been playing by Western rules for the past 40
years, gradually catching up the way that America's Asian allies did in the
past. Now the United States is trying to pull the rug out from under China by
launching a new Cold War.

(川普正在抨擊中國，似乎相信中國會再次屈服於西方的力量。美國有意地試圖通過突然
和單方面地改變國際貿易規則，來擊垮像華為這樣的成功公司。過去40年來，中國一直遵
循西方的規則，逐漸趕上美國的亞洲盟國過去的做法。現在，美國正試圖通過發動新的冷
戰對中國釜底抽薪。)

Unless some greater wisdom prevails, we could spin toward conflict with
China, first economically, then geopolitically and militarily, with utter
disaster for all. There will be no winners in such a conflict. Yet such is
the profound shallowness and corruption of US politics today that we are on
such a path.

(除非能獲得更大的智慧，否則我們可能會首先在經濟上，然後在地緣政治和軍事上與中
國發生衝突，並為所有人帶來徹底的災難。在這樣的衝突中不會有贏家。然而，今天美國
政治的極度淺薄和腐敗使我們走上了這條道路。)

A trade war with China won't solve our economic problems. Instead we need
homegrown solutions: affordable health care, better schools, modernized
infrastructure, higher minimum wages and a crackdown on corporate greed. In
the process, we would also learn that we have far more to gain through
cooperation with China rather than reckless and unfair provocation.

(與中國的貿易戰無法解決我們的經濟問題。相反，我們需要本土解決方案：負擔得起的
醫療保健，更優質的學校，現代化的基礎設施，更高的最低工資，和打擊企業的貪婪。在
這個過程中，我們也會了解到，相較於魯莽和不公平的挑釁，與中國的合作將使美國獲得
更多利益。)

--
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※ 文章網址: https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/IA/M.1559434871.A.C56.html
→ kwei: 美國要 make America great again，最好的方法是把內政搞好
→ kwei: 清除內部的貪婪和腐敗。
推 chosenone: 這年頭很多跨國大公司用搬移企業總部的方式，逃避企業
→ chosenone: 責任。這其實是國際合作應該去注意的一塊，如果能追到
→ chosenone: 稅收和落實保護勞工，很多國家的勞動環境會好很多，也
→ chosenone: 能防步先進國家的產業外移。因為他們外移就是要躲去免
→ chosenone:     止
→ chosenone: 稅天堂，或是勞動法規較不嚴格的開發中和未開發國。
→ hsaolin: 中國崛起對世界是好的，沒人會反對，把一切簡化成美眼紅
→ hsaolin: 中，是在逃避責任，醜陋的帝國主義。
推 os2CV: 現在就是要走新自由主義的改革啊
推 zxzx309: 應該說是商人的貪婪，中國為什麼可發展快速，是因為外資
→ zxzx309: 還有地方政府共產體制，使得商人跟地方可以壓迫人民權益
→ zxzx309: 利益，變成像華為阿里爸爸這種企業型態，說是黨營事業也
→ zxzx309: 不為過，不然為什麼需要較多維穩經費，目的很簡單通過壓
→ zxzx309: 榨人民來或取利益穩定政權
推 RIFF: 1.FATCA已經很了不起了
→ RIFF: 2.最近有個傾向:以用戶所在地 對網路公司課稅。
→ ksacet: 美中貿易衝突不是單純經濟問題 是政治問題
→ ksacet: 主因在於中國的經濟狀況的"畸形"
→ ksacet: 人均太低 總量卻是第二 造成一個低人均國家卻養的起龐大
→ ksacet: 軍事能量+對外干預的能力(相較以前) 才讓川有理由這樣搞
→ ksacet: 如果習願意照前幾任 低調一點慢慢搞 情況不會是這樣
→ ksacet: 自己民族主義玩過頭 讓人有警覺是一切的開端
推 RIFF: 早期習是低調的，常說:中國是一隻愛和平的貓熊
→ RIFF: 積極炒作的是美國人。
→ RIFF: 習是不得不應戰。
→ ksacet: 說是一回事 做是一回事
→ ksacet: 習的最法是對應到中南海內部的問題 你那是標準門外漢的講
→ ksacet: 法 算了 你這種咖被吐槽也不是一次兩次了
推 bestrace: 共產黨的崛起對世界是好的？你是有什麼毛病阿？還嫌他們
→ bestrace: 殺的人不夠多？
→ hsaolin: 我是說中國崛起如果對世界是好的，沒有人會反對
→ hsaolin: 把這些簡化為美眼紅中國，只是中國人自己在逃避該承擔的
→ hsaolin: 責任
→ hsaolin: 噁心的帝國主義講的是現在的中國
→ hsaolin: 這裏一堆中國人，每次都用似是而非的邏輯，給中國討好
→ hsaolin: 都已經不知道多少年了
→ hsaolin: 看了就噁心，還有什麼共産跟中國，現在中國還算共産嗎
→ hsaolin: 真是可笑，硬要分開只是中國人卸責的慣性說詞
→ hsaolin: 你是台灣人的話，還信他們那套說辭就是蠢
→ hsaolin: 被他們偷換概念成功
→ hsaolin: 現在中國幹的壞事就是中國人作的，什麼都推給共產黨
→ hsaolin: 卻不自覺反省，然怪一直無法民主化
→ hsaolin: 這樣壞的中國人，一但民主化是給全世界找更多麻煩
→ hsaolin: 還沒有人管的動
→ hsaolin: 同語系的都受不了，等那些不同語系的大量接觸後
→ hsaolin: 我都不敢想像要鬧出多大的問題
→ hsaolin: 有宗教核心的美國，與無宗教核心的中國
→ hsaolin: 差別在美國作事核心是善，中國則是自私自利
→ kwei: 如果進入的神的領域，人類的道理就無用了。不如說美國說有光
→ kwei: ，於是就有了光吧。